Notes


Matches 42,101 to 42,153 of 42,153

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42101 _____

Abstracted from the "The Southern Standard" by Margorie Tucker Stewart,
Wednesday, April 6, 1994;

"Sophia Jones succumbs to extended illness

DeKalb County native and resident, Sophia Alline Jones, 92, died April 3 at
Sunny Point Heath Care Center, after an extended illness.

A retired cook of Smithville Elementary School and member of Jacobs Pillar
Methodist Church, she was the daughter of the late Samuel and Sophia Delia
Hicks Cantrell and was preceeded in death by her husband, Benjamin F. Jones,
in 1980.

She is survived by four daughters, Jean Neal and Dan Edge, both of Smithville,
Ruth Mayo of Lascassas and Reba Hennessee of McMinnville; one son, Winston
Jones of McMinnville; four sisters, Lula Maude Washer and Gladys Hawkins, both
of Smithville, Jessie Rule of Texas and Lora Taylor of Maryland; two brothers,
Houston Cantrell of Smithville and Pascal Cantrell of Alabama; 21
grandchildren; 28 great-grandchildren; and six great-great-grandchildren.

Memorial services were held Tuesday at Jacobs Pillar Methodist Church with
Bro. Bratten Tucker officiating. Burial followed in Jacobs Pillar Cemetery."

______ 
Cantrell, Sophia Alline (I12732)
 
42102 _____

Abstracted from the "Warren County, Tennessee Marriage Records:1852-1900",by Fred L. Clark

I have found two references for two "James Cope", both marrying "Elizabeth" within 45 days;

"Cope, James L. to Elizabeth Purkins Rites 17 Sep 1860 by Jas. Webb,JP

Cope, James W. M. to Elizabeth A. Faulkner Rites 16 Oct 1860 by GP Moffitt,JP"

Note the middle-name initials of the second "Jas.". May give a clue that this is the marriage that produced "William Stephen COPE"...DAH
_

James does not appear in 1850 or 1860 Warren Co.,TN census records...DAH 
Cope, James (I26919)
 
42103 _____

As appears in 1860 Caldwell County Census:

Clonts, William 24 M Farm Laborer NC Married within year
Adeline 31 F NC Married within year
Candus Giles 11 F NC
Roxanna Giles 7 F NC

_____ 
Giles, Elizabeth Adaline (I10708)
 
42104 _____

Bobbi Byars Lynch notes,

"He was a prisoner of war at Rock Island,IL from 25 Nov 1863 to 12 May 1865.
Was captured at Missionary Ridge."

_____ 
Fuston, William Jefferson (I13562)
 
42105 _____

Burke County Bastardy Bonds - Before 1830, p. 52

"Abraham Harshaw - Catherine Clounts 26 April 1819".

Provided by Barbara Gangraw.

_____ 
Clontz, Catherine (I9053)
 
42106 _____

Camillus Voltaire Lanier was born 5 Apr 1816 in Halifax County, VA and died 2 Apr 1872 in Mockville, Davie County, NC.

Camillus Voltaire Lanier, son of James and Martha Taff (Green) Lanier.

Camillus Voltaire Lanier, married 1st Isabella M. Jeffreys, daughter of James W. Jeffreys *, 14 Jan 1839 in Caswell County, NC.

(* Sorce Newspaper: The Patriot, Greensboro, NC, February 18, 1839)

Camillus Voltaire Lanier, married 2nd Harriet Speed 
Lanier, Dr. Camillus Voltaire (I36281)
 
42107 _____

E-mail message received from John Clonst/BClonts@aol.com, 25 Feb 98;

"On Sunday I received a call from Beverly Blair who is granddaughter of Lorena
Smith...Beverley said Lorena lived to be nearly 100 years old, d. 1954. Lorena
said her father didn't want her and she was raised by her grandparents. Lorena
told they lived on an Indian Reservation as a child. Beverly lives near
Atlanta..."

_____ 
Smith, Lurena (I10815)
 
42108 _____

Enumerated in "Our People", by Margret Rhinehart, p. 6:

"Sara Creely Haston, Nov. 7, 1788 to ca 1855, wife Joseph Haston". Buried in an unmarked grave in Big Fork Cemetery, Van Buren Co.,TN.

Was she a sister to James or possible his first wife?...DAH

_____ 
Creley, James T. (I5845)
 
42109 _____

Enumerated in the household of Perry CANTRELL, 1880 DeKalb Co.,TN, census, June 10, 1880 by J.A. Moores, Enumerator,p. 115;

"...Neal Lafaett 26 W M Farming Married TN
Nacy E. (Young) 26 W F Wife TN"

No children listed...DAH

_____ 
Neal, James Lafayette C(antrell) "Fate" (I16554)
 
42110 _____

Excerpted for Carol Clontz Combs' Notes;

"William Riley Clonts m. Jane Smathers, marriage bond August 8, 1865, Haywood
Co.,NC, Francis M. Cook*, bondsman."

* Speculate that COOK is his mother's people...DAH.

And next entry may be this William;

"William Riley Clonts, Sr. m. Elizabeth Adaline Giles, b. 12/16/1828, d.
12/23/1905, William b. 1837*, d. 1/12/1911."

* Note same birth year.

"William Riley Clonts m. Jane Smathers, August 19, 1865, Burke Co.", IGI.

_____

Franz Clontz identifies him as William Ellis Clontz...DAH.

_____

Franz Clontz' book, p. 51,

"William Ellis Clontz I was wounded in the Civil War, and was on the Honor
Roll. Asked for pension in 1901. Had relatives beyond Asheville, at Sylva,
Buncombe Co., N.C. He had a brother named J. Garrison Clontz, whose wife was
Elmine. Their father was Henry Clontz, d. Aug. 9, 1881; their mother was
Mahala Clontz, died March 16, 1881."




27 Feb 2003: Spoke to Mike Mills, miglen730@aol.com, who is searching for his CLONTZ line and claims that his line goes to Emily Virginia CLONTZ, daughter of William and married John Wilson MILLS 
Clontz, William Riley Sr. (I10338)
 
42111 _____

Excerpted from "Ansearchin' News", The Tennessee Genealogical Society, Vol.
40, No. 3, Fall, 1993, p. 116:


CANEY FORK BAPTIST ASSOCIATION, 1893 - WARREN COUNTY, TENN.

In September 1893, the Caney Fork Association of Old Two Seed Predestinarian Baptist Churches held their meeting with the Caney Fork Church of Warren County, TN. Ten churches took part in the meeting and the Elders and Brethren who participated are listed. Their names and churches may aid in genealogical research in Middle Tennessee.

Bildad Church, Catlen's Mills, TN, Elder J. L. Byars; and brethren J. K.
Adcock, Wm. Webb and E. W. Capshaw.

Caney Fork Church, Horse Shoe Falls, TN, Brethren C. W. Mooneyham, J.
Goodson and W. W. Mullican.

Concord Church, Gath, TN, Brethren A. M. Womack, O. Denton and A. Crain.

Glovers Creek Church, Summer Shade, KY, Brother L. T. Pedigo

Holmes Creek Church, Smithville, TN, Brethren R. W. McGinnis, and B.
Taylor.

New Hope Church, Cookeville, Tn., Elder A. A. Flanders, and Brethren W. H.
Thomasson and J. F. Hyder

Philadelphia Church, Pollard, TN, Elder J. L. McPeak and Brethren W. H.
Noris and J. Mullican.

Rocky River Church, Increase, TN, Brethren O. C. Crain and I. Mitchell.

Roaring River Church, Oak Hill, TN, Elder G. W. Flanigin and Brethren
M. Langford and W. J. Stewart.

West Fork Church, Monroe, TN, Elder I. Sewell and Brother Stephen West.

Visitors for sister Associations:

Drakes Creek Church, Elder D. P. Ausbrooks and Brother W. G. Allen
Richland Creek Church, Elder E. T. Hampton and Brother S. Green

Memorial to:

Elder J. T. Trapp, former clerk of the Association who has passed away
since our last meeting, September 1892.

_____ 
Mullican, William W(omack) "Billy" (I2950)
 
42112 _____

Excerpted from "Ansearchin' News", The Tennessee Genealogical Society, Vol.
40, No. 3, Fall, 1993, p. 116:


CANEY FORK BAPTIST ASSOCIATION, 1893 - WARREN COUNTY, TENN.

In September 1893, the Caney Fork Association of Old Two Seed Predestinarian Baptist Churches held their meeting with the Caney Fork Church of Warren County, TN. Ten churches took part in the meeting and the Elders and Brethren who participated are listed. Their names and churches may aid in genealogical research in Middle Tennessee.

Bildad Church, Catlen's Mills, TN, Elder J. L. Byars; and brethren J. K.
Adcock, Wm. Webb and E. W. Capshaw.

Caney Fork Church, Horse Shoe Falls, TN, Brethren C. W. Mooneyham, J.
Goodson and W. W. Mullican.

Concord Church, Gath, TN, Brethren A. M. Womack, O. Denton and A. Crain.

Glovers Creek Church, Summer Shade, KY, Brother L. T. Pedigo

Holmes Creek Church, Smithville, TN, Brethren R. W. McGinnis, and B.
Taylor.

New Hope Church, Cookeville, Tn., Elder A. A. Flanders, and Brethren W. H.
Thomasson and J. F. Hyder

Philadelphia Church, Pollard, TN, Elder J. L. McPeak and Brethren W. H.
Noris and J. Mullican.

Rocky River Church, Increase, TN, Brethren O. C. Crain and I. Mitchell.

Roaring River Church, Oak Hill, TN, Elder G. W. Flanigin and Brethren
M. Langford and W. J. Stewart.

West Fork Church, Monroe, TN, Elder I. Sewell and Brother Stephen West.

Visitors for sister Associations:

Drakes Creek Church, Elder D. P. Ausbrooks and Brother W. G. Allen
Richland Creek Church, Elder E. T. Hampton and Brother S. Green

Memorial to:

Elder J. T. Trapp, former clerk of the Association who has passed away
since our last meeting, September 1892.

_____ 
Womack, Abner Monroe "Monroe" (I4423)
 
42113 _____

Excerpted from "Ansearchin' News", The Tennessee Genealogical Society, Vol.
40, No. 3, Fall, 1993, p. 116:


CANEY FORK BAPTIST ASSOCIATION, 1893 - WARREN COUNTY, TENN.

In September 1893, the Caney Fork Association of Old Two Seed Predestinarian Baptist Churches held their meeting with the Caney Fork Church of Warren County, TN. Ten churches took part in the meeting and the Elders and Brethren who participated are listed. Their names and churches may aid in genealogical research in Middle Tennessee.

Bildad Church, Catlen's Mills, TN, Elder J. L. Byars; and brethren J. K.
Adcock, Wm. Webb and E. W. Capshaw.

Caney Fork Church, Horse Shoe Falls, TN, Brethren C. W. Mooneyham, J.
Goodson and W. W. Mullican.

Concord Church, Gath, TN, Brethren A. M. Womack, O. Denton and A. Crain.

Glovers Creek Church, Summer Shade, KY, Brother L. T. Pedigo

Holmes Creek Church, Smithville, TN, Brethren R. W. McGinnis, and B.
Taylor.

New Hope Church, Cookeville, Tn., Elder A. A. Flanders, and Brethren W. H.
Thomasson and J. F. Hyder

Philadelphia Church, Pollard, TN, Elder J. L. McPeak and Brethren W. H.
Noris and J. Mullican.

Rocky River Church, Increase, TN, Brethren O. C. Crain and I. Mitchell.

Roaring River Church, Oak Hill, TN, Elder G. W. Flanigin and Brethren
M. Langford and W. J. Stewart.

West Fork Church, Monroe, TN, Elder I. Sewell and Brother Stephen West.

Visitors for sister Associations:

Drakes Creek Church, Elder D. P. Ausbrooks and Brother W. G. Allen
Richland Creek Church, Elder E. T. Hampton and Brother S. Green

Memorial to:

Elder J. T. Trapp, former clerk of the Association who has passed away
since our last meeting, September 1892.

_____ 
Mullican, William W(ilmoth) "Brer Billy" (I4919)
 
42114 _____

Excerpted from "Ansearchin' News", The Tennessee Genealogical Society, Vol.
40, No. 3, Fall, 1993, p. 116:


CANEY FORK BAPTIST ASSOCIATION, 1893 - WARREN COUNTY, TENN.

In September 1893, the Caney Fork Association of Old Two Seed Predestinarian Baptist Churches held their meeting with the Caney Fork Church of Warren County, TN. Ten churches took part in the meeting and the Elders and Brethren who participated are listed. Their names and churches may aid in genealogical research in Middle Tennessee.

Bildad Church, Catlen's Mills, TN, Elder J. L. Byars; and brethren J. K.
Adcock, Wm. Webb and E. W. Capshaw.

Caney Fork Church, Horse Shoe Falls, TN, Brethren C. W. Mooneyham, J.
Goodson and W. W. Mullican.

Concord Church, Gath, TN, Brethren A. M. Womack, O. Denton and A. Crain.

Glovers Creek Church, Summer Shade, KY, Brother L. T. Pedigo

Holmes Creek Church, Smithville, TN, Brethren R. W. McGinnis, and B.
Taylor.

New Hope Church, Cookeville, Tn., Elder A. A. Flanders, and Brethren W. H.
Thomasson and J. F. Hyder

Philadelphia Church, Pollard, TN, Elder J. L. McPeak and Brethren W. H.
Noris and J. Mullican.

Rocky River Church, Increase, TN, Brethren O. C. Crain and I. Mitchell.

Roaring River Church, Oak Hill, TN, Elder G. W. Flanigin and Brethren
M. Langford and W. J. Stewart.

West Fork Church, Monroe, TN, Elder I. Sewell and Brother Stephen West.

Visitors for sister Associations:

Drakes Creek Church, Elder D. P. Ausbrooks and Brother W. G. Allen
Richland Creek Church, Elder E. T. Hampton and Brother S. Green

Memorial to:

Elder J. T. Trapp, former clerk of the Association who has passed away
since our last meeting, September 1892.

_____ 
McPeak, Elder John Lanum (I4948)
 
42115 _____

Excerpted from "Ansearchin' News", The Tennessee Genealogical Society, Vol.
40, No. 3, Fall, 1993, p. 116:


CANEY FORK BAPTIST ASSOCIATION, 1893 - WARREN COUNTY, TENN.

In September 1893, the Caney Fork Association of Old Two Seed Predestinarian Baptist Churches held their meeting with the Caney Fork Church of Warren County, TN. Ten churches took part in the meeting and the Elders and Brethren who participated are listed. Their names and churches may aid in genealogical research in Middle Tennessee.

Bildad Church, Catlen's Mills, TN, Elder J. L. Byars; and brethren J. K.
Adcock, Wm. Webb and E. W. Capshaw.

Caney Fork Church, Horse Shoe Falls, TN, Brethren C. W. Mooneyham, J.
Goodson and W. W. Mullican.

Concord Church, Gath, TN, Brethren A. M. Womack, O. Denton and A. Crain.

Glovers Creek Church, Summer Shade, KY, Brother L. T. Pedigo

Holmes Creek Church, Smithville, TN, Brethren R. W. McGinnis, and B.
Taylor.

New Hope Church, Cookeville, Tn., Elder A. A. Flanders, and Brethren W. H.
Thomasson and J. F. Hyder

Philadelphia Church, Pollard, TN, Elder J. L. McPeak and Brethren W. H.
Noris and J. Mullican.

Rocky River Church, Increase, TN, Brethren O. C. Crain and I. Mitchell.

Roaring River Church, Oak Hill, TN, Elder G. W. Flanigin and Brethren
M. Langford and W. J. Stewart.

West Fork Church, Monroe, TN, Elder I. Sewell and Brother Stephen West.

Visitors for sister Associations:

Drakes Creek Church, Elder D. P. Ausbrooks and Brother W. G. Allen
Richland Creek Church, Elder E. T. Hampton and Brother S. Green

Memorial to:

Elder J. T. Trapp, former clerk of the Association who has passed away
since our last meeting, September 1892.

_____ 
Capshaw, Evan Watkins (I4965)
 
42116 _____

Excerpted from "Ansearchin' News", The Tennessee Genealogical Society, Vol.
40, No. 3, Fall, 1993, p. 116:


CANEY FORK BAPTIST ASSOCIATION, 1893 - WARREN COUNTY, TENN.

In September 1893, the Caney Fork Association of Old Two Seed Predestinarian Baptist Churches held their meeting with the Caney Fork Church of Warren County, TN. Ten churches took part in the meeting and the Elders and Brethren who participated are listed. Their names and churches may aid in genealogical research in Middle Tennessee.

Bildad Church, Catlen's Mills, TN, Elder J. L. Byars; and brethren J. K.
Adcock, Wm. Webb and E. W. Capshaw.

Caney Fork Church, Horse Shoe Falls, TN, Brethren C. W. Mooneyham, J.
Goodson and W. W. Mullican.

Concord Church, Gath, TN, Brethren A. M. Womack, O. Denton and A. Crain.

Glovers Creek Church, Summer Shade, KY, Brother L. T. Pedigo

Holmes Creek Church, Smithville, TN, Brethren R. W. McGinnis, and B.
Taylor.

New Hope Church, Cookeville, Tn., Elder A. A. Flanders, and Brethren W. H.
Thomasson and J. F. Hyder

Philadelphia Church, Pollard, TN, Elder J. L. McPeak and Brethren W. H.
Noris and J. Mullican.

Rocky River Church, Increase, TN, Brethren O. C. Crain and I. Mitchell.

Roaring River Church, Oak Hill, TN, Elder G. W. Flanigin and Brethren
M. Langford and W. J. Stewart.

West Fork Church, Monroe, TN, Elder I. Sewell and Brother Stephen West.

Visitors for sister Associations:

Drakes Creek Church, Elder D. P. Ausbrooks and Brother W. G. Allen
Richland Creek Church, Elder E. T. Hampton and Brother S. Green

Memorial to:

Elder J. T. Trapp, former clerk of the Association who has passed away
since our last meeting, September 1892.

_____ 
Crain, Albert (I5820)
 
42117 _____

Excerpted from "Ansearchin' News", The Tennessee Genealogical Society, Vol.
40, No. 3, Fall, 1993, p. 116:


CANEY FORK BAPTIST ASSOCIATION, 1893 - WARREN COUNTY, TENN.

In September 1893, the Caney Fork Association of Old Two Seed Predestinarian Baptist Churches held their meeting with the Caney Fork Church of Warren County, TN. Ten churches took part in the meeting and the Elders and Brethren who participated are listed. Their names and churches may aid in genealogical research in Middle Tennessee.

Bildad Church, Catlen's Mills, TN, Elder J. L. Byars; and brethren J. K.
Adcock, Wm. Webb and E. W. Capshaw.

Caney Fork Church, Horse Shoe Falls, TN, Brethren C. W. Mooneyham, J.
Goodson and W. W. Mullican.

Concord Church, Gath, TN, Brethren A. M. Womack, O. Denton and A. Crain.

Glovers Creek Church, Summer Shade, KY, Brother L. T. Pedigo

Holmes Creek Church, Smithville, TN, Brethren R. W. McGinnis, and B.
Taylor.

New Hope Church, Cookeville, Tn., Elder A. A. Flanders, and Brethren W. H.
Thomasson and J. F. Hyder

Philadelphia Church, Pollard, TN, Elder J. L. McPeak and Brethren W. H.
Noris and J. Mullican.

Rocky River Church, Increase, TN, Brethren O. C. Crain and I. Mitchell.

Roaring River Church, Oak Hill, TN, Elder G. W. Flanigin and Brethren
M. Langford and W. J. Stewart.

West Fork Church, Monroe, TN, Elder I. Sewell and Brother Stephen West.

Visitors for sister Associations:

Drakes Creek Church, Elder D. P. Ausbrooks and Brother W. G. Allen
Richland Creek Church, Elder E. T. Hampton and Brother S. Green

Memorial to:

Elder J. T. Trapp, former clerk of the Association who has passed away
since our last meeting, September 1892.

_____ 
Trapp, Elder James Terry (I7353)
 
42118 _____

Excerpted from "Ansearchin' News", The Tennessee Genealogical Society, Vol.
40, No. 3, Fall, 1993, p. 116:


CANEY FORK BAPTIST ASSOCIATION, 1893 - WARREN COUNTY, TENN.

In September 1893, the Caney Fork Association of Old Two Seed Predestinarian Baptist Churches held their meeting with the Caney Fork Church of Warren County, TN. Ten churches took part in the meeting and the Elders and Brethren who participated are listed. Their names and churches may aid in genealogical research in Middle Tennessee.

Bildad Church, Catlen's Mills, TN, Elder J. L. Byars; and brethren J. K.
Adcock, Wm. Webb and E. W. Capshaw.

Caney Fork Church, Horse Shoe Falls, TN, Brethren C. W. Mooneyham, J.
Goodson and W. W. Mullican.

Concord Church, Gath, TN, Brethren A. M. Womack, O. Denton and A. Crain.

Glovers Creek Church, Summer Shade, KY, Brother L. T. Pedigo

Holmes Creek Church, Smithville, TN, Brethren R. W. McGinnis, and B.
Taylor.

New Hope Church, Cookeville, Tn., Elder A. A. Flanders, and Brethren W. H.
Thomasson and J. F. Hyder

Philadelphia Church, Pollard, TN, Elder J. L. McPeak and Brethren W. H.
Noris and J. Mullican.

Rocky River Church, Increase, TN, Brethren O. C. Crain and I. Mitchell.

Roaring River Church, Oak Hill, TN, Elder G. W. Flanigin and Brethren
M. Langford and W. J. Stewart.

West Fork Church, Monroe, TN, Elder I. Sewell and Brother Stephen West.

Visitors for sister Associations:

Drakes Creek Church, Elder D. P. Ausbrooks and Brother W. G. Allen
Richland Creek Church, Elder E. T. Hampton and Brother S. Green

Memorial to:

Elder J. T. Trapp, former clerk of the Association who has passed away
since our last meeting, September 1892.

_____ 
Mooneyham, Charles W. "Charlie" (I13137)
 
42119 _____

Excerpted from "Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions,Caldwell Co.,NC, The First
Six Years 1841-1847", compiled by Linda M. Staley, John O. Hawkins, Second
Edition:

"April Term, 1843. Margaret Clontz allowed to take Sally Clontz (lunatic and
pauper) as county charge. Rate: $30.00 per year until May."


Note: Margaret could be wife to Christian Clontz, Sally's uncle...DAH.

_____ 
Clontz, Sarah (I9024)
 
42120 _____

Excerpted from , "The Clontz Family", by Franz Clontz, p. 69:

"Clouts, J.G., enlisted 9/19/1863 from burke Co., at Wilmington,N.C.
Confederate State Navy. (17) Widow: Elmine Giles. (18)."

_____ 
Clontz, James Garrison "Garrison" (I10335)
 
42121 _____

Excerpted from, "Abstracts of Land Patents 1765-1775", by Margaret M. Hoffman:

"1292 pg. 375 John Michael Claunch 22 December 1768 200 Acres in Mecklenburgh on Rocky river on a branch of Dutch Buffalow Creek, joining Gasper Saxer and Michael Christman."
_____

"...Samuel Dodson married Sarah (?Susan?) Clontz...Grayson County, Virginia between 1789 - 1795..."; "Van Buren County Historical Journal", Vol. VIII, 1988, copyright 1988 by The Van Buren County Historical Society,TN, p. 37.

Given ages and time-frame, could be that "John" had a daughter, Sarah...DAH 
Glantz, Hans Michael "John Michael" (I9055)
 
42122 _____

Excerpted from, "Coping With The Copes", by Joan Bartholomew Parrish, p. 55:

"Her mother was killed by lightning while Martha Elizabeth was a small child,
and she was carried back to Warren or DeKalb County, Tennessee...Joe and
Lizzie moved to Huntsville (Madison County), Alabama in September of 1926. He
worked in the Dallas Cotton Mills until his death...".

_____ 
Mullican, Joseph "Joe" (I13905)
 
42123 _____

Franz Clontz writes,

"Enlisted August 22, 1864, Mecklenburg Co., "H" Company, 7th Regiment, CSA.
Born in Mecklenburg Co.
Present and accounted for through Oct. 1864."

----- 
Clontz, Isaac A(dam) (I9631)
 
42124 _____

From: Bashak@aol.com

Date: Fri, 6 Feb 1998 13:45:06 EST

To: schoolstuff@worldnet.att.net

Dear David,

Your information came in the mail today. Thanks ever so much.

I am sending part of the information we have now as an attachment. I will get the information together, that we have, starting with Owen MERRIMAN and send it later. My asthma & allergies are bothering me & I didn't get it all ready. Hope some of this is helpful. Bill & Barb Kelley


MERRIMAN/MERRYMAN


Info from Evelyn J. Russeff that she copied from records in Salt Lake Library [Did she mean LDS library in Utah?]

Records of Bledsoe Co., TN. Chancery Court Minute Book. 1847-1856 Pg 378--

James A Tulloss & Thomas N. Frazier Executors of Alexander H. Montgomery--vs--Lewis D. Merriman, Jesse Colbert, Nancy Colbert, Levi Green, Elizabeth Green, Owen Merriman, Allen B. Carrolton, Evaline Saxton, & Willie & Allen Merriman administrators on the estate of Mark Merriman deceased.

Be it remembered that this cause came on again to be heard on this 14th day of March 1848 before the honorable B. L. Ridly Chancellor & C (?) upon the report of Stephen Hicks the special Commissioner here to fore ordered in this cause & the exceptions filed by the defendants thereon which exception being since heard & understood by the court are ordered to be overruled & said report in all things confirmed from which it appears that the defendant Lewis D. Merriman was indebted to the complainants for principal & interest on the 15th day of March 1848 in the sum of $692.34 & that the distributive share of the said Lewis D. Merriman in the personal estate of his father Demarcus Merriman deceased in the hands of his administrators. Willie & Allen Merriman amounts to the sum of $350.38 & it further appears from said report that commissioners were appointed by the Circuit Court of Bledsoe County who assigned to the widow of the said Demarcus Merriman deceased dower in his real estate & also to the defendant Lewis D. Merriman his distributive share of residue of said estate unencumbered with the dower distinguished in the commissioners report as lot No. 9 & described as follows.

Beginning at the forked dogwood & corner to corner Levi Green in William Haskews line thence with Haskews line north 70 poles due west 50 poles to a stake in the line of lot No. 8. Thence South 67 degrees east to the beginning. (I didn't copy the rest).

Signed Thomas N. Frazier, Guardian of David H. Spring Exparte.

Pg. 414--Tues Mar 13, 1849 William Merriman to be allowed to file a cross bill in this same cause.

Pg. 427--Tues 12th Mar 1850--

John Thurman vs William Merriman. John Spears, James D. Spears, Tho. Sutherland & Allen Merriman Adms. of D. Merriman & Wiiliam Merriman vs John Thurman, James G. Spears & others appearing to the court that deft. William Merriman is justly in debt to complainant Thurman as follows-by judgement remembered by Elijah M. Hale & Johnathan Whiteside------ note with interest sum of $109.82 (about estate earlier).

Elizabeth Merriman vs Allen Merriman et als. Continued later.
(I didn't copy.)

[1]
Sept 1853--

Eliz Merriman vs James Robinson & William Gardener. About negro ownership-bill it is ordered & decreed that the bills of complainant be dismissed & that complainant pay the costs for which execution may ? sue at law against sd. complt. & her security Bryant Maryman.

Bryant Merriamn adm. of Eliz Merriman deceased. William Merryman, Elizabeth Green, Mary Merryman, Allen Merriman, Wyley Merriman, Wyly M. Colvert son of Nancy Colvert decd. Owen Merriman, Benton A. Carlton & the children of Eveline Lastor names.

Pg 590--Tues Mar 13, 1855

Unknown said Eveline being sister to said Benton A now deceased & Lewis D. Merriman.

Mary Merryman mentioned.

(There was so much on these Merriman's in the court record that I just gave up writing it down. At that time I didn't recognize any names. I was in Salt Lake Library & was trying to get as much information that I could on my lines.) Now I wish I had.

I gathered all my information that I have collected over the years & for at least a month, I have been trying to piece it all together.

We all descend from John & Audrey Merryman, John the immigrate. Came in early 1600's to VA then they went on to MD. All of that information is in MD Hist. Mag. by Culver. I have that.

1st generation was John & Audrey.
2nd generation was Charles Merryman Sr.
3rd generation was Charles Merryman Jr.
4th generation was John Charles Merryman, called Charles, he married Millicent Haile.MERRIMAN/MERRYMAN

I don't know from which of John Charles children we descend from, but I think it was a Charles that had a wife Elizabeth. He died and the family eventually moved to Bledsoe Co., TN, remarried. I descend from his second wife. He had about 4 children under 10 when wife Betsy Cook died. Elisha, Malachia Merryman and a few others followed him to IL. Others stayed in Bledsoe Co., TN.

They say most of Bledsoe Records had been destroyed, but I know that the one I just typed off is still available, think it was on film. They all originated from Granville, NC, They were in Lancaster, VA. They may never had moved, when the states redid their state lines. They may have been just over the line.

So many in those days couldn't read or write and names spelled as they sounded.

[2]


Children of John Charles & Millicent [HAILE] Merryman:

Charles b. Balto. Co., MD 27 May 1733;
Mary b. Balto. Co., MD 28 Jan 1734;
Millicent b. Balto. Co., MD 7 Dec 1736;
William;
Benjamin.

Evelyn J. Russeff
10534 Witter Springs Road
Witter Springs, CA 95493
[End of info from Evelyn Russeff]

Orlando, FL Public library

Book: Marriage Records 1765-1810 Mecklenburg Co., VA
By: Katherine B. Elliott Copyright 1963, reprint 1984

Notes on Marriage Records

In compiling this volume of early marriage records of Mecklenburg County, it was deemed advisable to examine the marriage records of Granville County, NC, because of the close association of the early families in the two counties.

Many of the early residents of Granville County had settled first in Mecklenburg & later moved to Granville. Colonial Granville County was established in the same year, 1746, in which Lunenburg County was created. Warren, Vance & the present Granville, all boarding on Mecklenburg County, were a part of Colonial Granville County. Many of the early Mecklenburg County people owned land on both sides of the state line dividing the two counties; & in many of the early wills reference is made to land owned in North Carolina.

1840 census TN, Bledsoe Co.
Merimon, Markus: 5-10 10-15 20-30 60-70
Males: 1 0 1 1
Females: 0 1 1 1
Merimon, William: under 5 5-10 10-15 30-40 70-80
Males: 1 2 2 1 0
Females: 0 2 0 1 1

Book: Court Minutes of Granville County, NC 1746-1820.
By: Zae Hargett Gwynn 1977
Author states no dates given--just page numbers.

Abstracts of Granville County, NC [Court Minutes 1789-1791]
43- Administration of estate of CHARLES MERRYMAN, deceased, granted to MELICAI MERRYMAN, with bond of 500 pounds secured by MALACHIA MERRYMAN & JOSEPH WALLER, securities.

[Court Minutes 1796-1799]
146- Estate of MILLISON MERRYMAN, deceased, administered by MALACHI MERRYMAN, with bond secured by BENJ. MOORE.

179- MALACHI MERRYMAN, administrator of CHARLES MERRYMAN, deceased, returns inventory.
[3]
Book: Abstracts of the Wills & Estate Records of Granville County, NC 1746-1808. By: Zae Hargett Gwynn 1973

Book 2, 1787-1792
100,101 [p. 100-101]- 8, 1786-proved May Court 1789-CHARLES MERRYMAN wills to wife MILLISON all land on north side of Leeder branch for her lifetime;

to son WILLIAM, all remaining land between Cedar & Pichter branch;

to grandson MALIRE MERRYMAN, the Indian grave tract containing 120 acres;

to my son BENJAMIN, the bed he lies on & a cow & calf after his mother's death to be in the care of MALICE MERRYMAN;

to my wife, all household goods & stock of all kinds &, at her death, all movable property to be divided to my son, 1/2 to WILLIAM & the rest of other half to the other children.

Wts: HENRY COOK, HENRY GREEN

[Is Malice suppose to be Malachi?]

194- Inventory of Estate of CHARLES MERRYMAN, deceased, Aug 1790, by MILLISON MERRYMAN.

Book 4, 1796-1799

79- Inventory of Estate of CHARLES MERRYMAN by MAT MERRYMAN, administrator, Feb Court 1796.

LDS Micro-fiche [Largo Library] State of MD

Millicent HAILE married [Balto., Co., MD 02 Feb 1730] Charles John MERRYMAN [sometimes referred to as John Charles].

Millicent HAILE b. 1711. Father: Nicholas HAILE Mother: Frances GARRETT.

Nicholas HAILE married [1700] Frances GARRETT.

State of NC
William MERIMAN married Lorana PAGE 10 Dec 1818 Wilkes Co., NC.
Briant MARYMON married Matha FERGUSIN 16 or 18 Sept 1818 Wilkes Co., NC.

Micro-fiche [Tampa Library] Marriages of NC

MERRIMAN, Nancy & COLVARD, Jesse 12 Nov 1834 Bondsman: Thornton Kilby; Witness: D. Grey. Wilkes Co., NC. #104-01-054

MERRIMON, Elizabeth & GREEN, Levi 14 Feb 1830 Bondsman: Owen Merrimon; Witness W. Davenport. Wilkes Co., NC. #104-01-098

MERRYMAN, Jenney & CARLTON, Thomas 26 Mar 1813 Bondsman: George Crouch; Witness: A. Nesbitt. Wilkes Co., NC. #104-01-043

_____ 
Merriman, John The Immigrant (I25800)
 
42125 _____

From: BMayo10575
To: schoolstuff@worldnet.att.net
Subject: Henry and Sarah Long
Date: Monday, March 09, 1998 9:49 AM

All I have is a copy of family page from an old Bible. Some children are
shown only by initial. They are: R.L. (11-15-1860) W.V. (6-24-67) J.H.
(1-18-69) Francis A.(10-11-70) Mary M. (1-8-72) Hugh S. (6-17-74) Rebecka E.
(3-8-76) Joseph D. (7-21-78) and M.V. 6-17-1880--6-16-1904. 
Long, Henry (I12023)
 
42126 _____

Have tentatively assigned "James Marion" as son of "Jeremiah" for the
following reasons;

(1) Herman James Clontz, Jr., grandson of James Marion, states in a
telephone interview, November 18, 1992, that he could not identify
his great-grandfather, but he is certain that he married a "Byram".

(2) Thelma Clonts identifies the wife of Jeremiah as "Mary L. Byram" and
their marriage occurred, August 11, 1864, per her research.

Will obtain marriage records to ascertain location, witnesses, etc. Although
this is not absolute proof, feel that circumstantial evidence provide enough
to deduct James Marion and his progeny to the main famly tree.

_____ 
Clontz, James Marion (I11788)
 
42127 _____

Index to the Tract Books for Fulton County,AR:

"Hennessee, Harriet M. 1858 29 08W 21N 48 069 15
Hennessee, Henry 1858 10 09W 21N 45 077 14"

_____

Note: No HENNESSEE listed in 1870 Fulton County,AR Census.
No HENNESSEE marriages noted, 1887-1925, Fulton County,AR.
_____

From the 1860 Census, Union Township, Fulton Co.,AR, p. 431 and
Abstracted by Midge Stouffer

Hennessee, James 55 M W Farmer 100 95 TN
Agnes 48 F W Housewife TN
Harriett 22 F W TN
James 19 M M TN
John 18 M W TN
Mary 16 F W TN
Marjare? 13 F W TN



_____

Seems apparent that "Henry" started using the Christian name of "James" when
he skipped on Missouri taxes and moved to Arkansas...DAH.

_____ 
Hennessee, Harriet M. (I13164)
 
42128 _____

Index to the Tract Books for Fulton County,AR:

"Hennessee, Harriet M. 1858 29 08W 21N 48 069 15
Hennessee, Henry 1858 10 09W 21N 45 077 14"

_____

Note: No HENNESSEE listed in 1870 Fulton County,AR Census.
No HENNESSEE marriages noted, 1887-1925, Fulton County,AR.
_____

From the 1860 Census, Union Township, Fulton Co.,AR, p. 431 and
Abstracted by Midge Stouffer

Hennessee, James 55 M W Farmer 100 95 TN
Agnes 48 F W Housewife TN
Harriett 22 F W TN
James 19 M M TN
John 18 M W TN
Mary 16 F W TN
Marjare? 13 F W TN
_____

Seems apparent that "Henry" started using the Christian name of "James" when he skipped on Missouri taxes and moved to Arkansas...DAH.

_____ 
Hennessee, Henry D(avid) (I103)
 
42129 _____

March 24, 1993


Gerald, Charles' son, just telephoned to let me know that his father passed away yesterday. I met Charles at the Hennessee Re-Union, July of 1991, and had a wonderful time with him and his wife, Elizabeth. Charles was one of my first contacts in researching the HENNESSEE history. He was so keen to be helpful and provided me much information regarding his family line. I hope that I, too, was able to shed light on his family history and the origins of our family.

One could not help but like and admire Charles. He had a fulfilling life and an adoring family. Charles was a sweet person who loved his family and shall be missed by everyone who knew him...DAH

_____ 
Hennessee, Charles Stancell (I515)
 
42130 _____

Mary is listed in the household of her father, John Weddington, in the 1860
Union County Census. Her husband, John, is not listed and presumed dead with
widow, Mary and her children, being supported by her father. Milton Clontz is
born in 1862.

_____ 
Weddington, Mary E(lizabeth) (I11706)
 
42131 _____

No proof that he is son to William, however he does name his first son,
George...DAH

Appears in 1850 Caldwell Co. Census:

"Family 876 Dwelling 875

Clontz, Jacob, 50, M, Laborer"

-----

"On Jacob Clontz' children they were all deaf and dumb attended the deaf and
dumb school in Morganton,NC and Raleigh I understand." Lee Gosnell, August 19,
1992.

------

IGI cites Jacob's birth-year as 1812...

_____ 
Clontz, Jacob George (I9701)
 
42132 _____

Note: His first child was born when he was in his early forties; would suggest
that there may have been an earlier marriage.

John Clonts, Hacienda Heights,CA, wrote that he received a letter from Mark
Garris (address not given) in which Mark states that Munro/Monroe joined the
army (CSA?) and deserted...

_____ 
Clonts, Munro (I8970)
 
42133 _____

Notes Franz Clontz,


1870 Paulding Co. Census, Family 198, Dwelling 198
(Next door to her father, Jacob)

Clontz, Jacob 10 M W Farm Laborer GA
William 6 M W GA
Sarah 3 F W GA
Perinellia 1 F W GA

The above children were living with the following:

Butler, William 22 M W Farm Laborer GA
Mary 32 W F Keeping House GA

_____

Deduction allows us to conclude that:

1. Mary has married three times before 1870.
2. William, Sarah & Perniellia are misidentified with "Clontz" surnames.
3. Don't know who Jacob is. He could have been a Tidwell.
4. Property probably belonged to her father, Jacob, before she married.

_____ 
Clonts, Mary Ellen "Polly" (I9663)
 
42134 _____

Patricia Short Makris reports in her book, "PASSON'S FAMILY CONNECTIONS", p. 329 that John was born in 1833 and married Mary Overturff and has been found to be incorrect..DAH
_____ 
Roberts, John L. (I23916)
 
42135 _____

Roy Haley notes in his, "Cantrell's Cousins", that John and family moved from Greenville,South Carolina to Warren County, circa 1818. Some children went to Lincoln County,KY, but John and William came to Warren County.

John located on the level lands of the northern section of the county and the neighborhood was afterward called, "The Mullican Settlement".

_____ 
Mullican, John (I4349)
 
42136 _____

Select Transcriptions from the Burke County Court of Pleas and Quarter
Sessions:

January 1846:

"State on the relation of Mary M. Hicks B. C. v. Peter F. Walker. Bastardy.
On motion of Solicitor is ordered and adjudged by the court that an allowance
of Sixty Dollars for the Support of the Bastard child be made and Judgement
for the same is given against the Defendent. To be paid in three annual
installments of $20 each the first installment to be paid instanter at this
term the 2nd installment to be paid at the January Term of this court 1847 and
the last installment to be paid at January Term of this court 1848 and the
mother of said child Mary M. Hicks is authorized to receive and receipt for
the same for the fulfilment of which Judgement he gives John Walker as
Security who confesses Judgement for the Same."

_____

I.G.I. reports a C.B.Clontz marries Mary M. Hicks, 20 Sep 1868, Burke Co.,NC

_____ 
Walker, Peter F. (I11764)
 
42137 _____

She and John first settled in the Cartecay District...John R. Clonts.

_____

Her oldest daughter, Elizabeth, named her first child, "Lourena" and her second child, "John". It is obvious that Elizabeth named her first male child after her father and thus suggests that her mother's forename may have been "Lourena".

_____

Excerpted from, "Claims of British Merchants After The Revolutionary War", abstracted by Ransom McBride;

"DUNN, Jervice. L6.18.0, p.1
Jervice Dunn, formerly of the County of Moore, was a carpenter by trade [and] was worth a small estate of a plantation of about 200 acres on Muddy Creek together with a good stock of cattle and hogs, also three horses. He moved from that county in the Year 1780 then possessing more than sufficient to discharge all his debts. Tis said he went to Georgia. /s/ Wm.Martin, Adam Gilchrist."

______

Federal Census of 1840 lists Henry Dunn in Murray Co.,GA.

_____

"Early Records of Georgia, Volume 1, Wilkes County", abstracted and compiled by Grace Gillam Davidson (Mrs. John Lee), 1932, published by The Rev. Silas Emmett Lucas, Jr., 1868;

p. 161:

"Page 199 - Mar. 6, 1809. John Dunn, dec'd. Thomas Talbot appointed Admr."

p. 146:

"Page 146 - Will of Robert Hughes, Sr.,probated and George H. Hughes surviving Excr. qualifies. Russell Bailey appointed guardian of Betsy Dunn Orphan of John Dunn, dec'd., Thomas Hudspeth, Security."

p. 330:

"Dunn, John, orphs. of.........(1) draw." 1819 Land Lottery.

_____

May be conjectured; Irena, daughter of John, son of Jervis...DAH.

_____

1840 Gilmer Census enumerates DUNN,John (50-60) living next door to John CLONTS...DAH

_____ 
Dunn, Irena (I5529)
 
42138 _____

Steven Kent Jones recalls in his letter dated, September 7, 1995;


"My grandmother's little sister Gladys McGee died when she was five years old.
She fell from a loft while playing. My grandmother was eight at the time,
Gladys was very sick and in and out of consciousness for several days before
dying. Everyone was, of course very upset, but my grandmother was
devastated. She kept many of her sister's things, including her money, which
was all of a shiny new dime. When she was about 70, she game me the dime, a
1914 Liberty Head, which I still have and it looks virtually uncirculated. By
the way, my grandmother also named her second child, now Gladys Cantrell,
after her sister."

_____ 
McGee, Lillian Gladys (I12409)
 
42139 _____

Writes Susan Clontz Ehret,

"He enlisted from Iredell County at age 32, on Aug. 20, 1862 for the war,
Co."B", 18th Regiment. He died at Harrsionburg,VA, on 11 Dec 1862 of desease.
He left a wife and two small sons. Family history says the yankees burned her
home. Someone took her in. She later had two more children, but apparently
never remarried. She is buried in Lenoir at Lower Creek Baptist Church dying
at age 42. It is not known where John Henry is buried. Probably a Confederate
mound."

_____ 
Clontz, John Henry (I9708)
 
42140 ______

Peggy Allison notes that,

"Barnes says he married Mary Naylor, sister to brother Isaac's wife.
Hillis material says he married Mary Boyd, sister to sister's husband.
Wes Dodson says he married Mary Boyd. (N.B. 10/28, pg. 219)

James Hillis was a native of NC, went to KY with Daniel Boone and settled on
Rocky River, Warren Co.,TN in 1804 (from Goodspeed)."

_____ 
Hillis, James (I22035)
 
42141 ______

W.W. Hinshaw's "Encyclopedia of American Quaker Genealogy"; Wills; JONES, Ellis. City of Philadelphia. Weaver. 3 mo 22, 1722/23. Sept. 23, 1727.E.60. Wife and Exec.: Jane. Kinsmen: John Pugh. Witness: Ellis Jones (his mark), John Jones, John Jones, Jr.

More About ELLIS EMANUEL JONES:
Emigration: 1682, Arrived on the ship "Submission" in Chester Co., PA
Religion: The Religious Society of Friends or "Quakers"

Ellis and Jane came to America in 1682 on the "Ship Submission" from Wales. Children; Barbary, Mary, Dorothy and Isaac. were in Berks CO, in 1684. 
Jones, The Immigrant Ellis Emmanuel (I3971)
 
42142 _______

Believe that Elizabeth married a SMITH. She appears as Head-of-Household in
1870 Gilmer Co. Census, September of 1870, living next door to her father,
John:

"1175 Smith, Betty A. 30 F Keeping House GA
Lurena 12 F GA
John 4 M GA"

______ 
Clonts, Elizabeth A(nn) "Bettie" (I8944)
 
42143 _______

He is cited as a grandson in the household of Dratha Ider Smith, "United States Census, 1940" 
Harmon, James Willard (I33698)
 
42144 ___________

Several clues within this message...DAH

http://genforum.genealogy.com/cgi-bin/pageload.cgi?byrd::harmon::58.html

Jacob Harmon of Virginia and Kenutcky

Posted by: Richard Davis Date: March 01, 1998 at 22:50:04
of 5775

Does anyone have additonal information on the children of Jacob Harmon? Jacob was born about 1730, the son of Jacob Harmon (b. c 1705-d. 1756) of New River, Virginia and died after 1801 at either Pulaski County, Kentucky or Livingstone County, Kentucky. He was married to Sarah who was still alive in 1801. He was probably the father of the following children;

1. Jacob Harmon Jr., b. c 1752. d. 1839, Garrard County, Ky.
2. Israel Harmon, b. c 1754. d. after 1805, probably at Livingstone County, Ky. He was married Keziah Thompson in 1788 at Lincoln County, Ky.
3. William Harmon, b. c 1758. d. bet 1794 and 1799 at either Montgomery County, Virginia or Pulaski County, Ky.
4. Lowes/Louisa Harmon, b. c 1760. She married Jonathan Taylor of Garrard County, Ky.
5. John Harmon, b. c 1767. d. after 1825, Marion County, Indiana. He married Elizabeth Byrd in 1787.
6. ?Valentine Harmon, b. c 1769. he married Mary Thompson at Lincoln County, Ky in 1793.
7. Mary Harmon, b. c1771. She married James Baxter in 1789 at Lincoln County, Ky.
8. Rachel Harmon, b. c1774. She married Joseph Horn in 1794 at Lincoln County, Ky.

28 Jun 2009

I think that Jacob may be William's father given:

a. His age
b. William's first male child is named 'Jacob Byrd Harmon'...DAH

Go to http://www.us-census.org/pub/usgenweb/census/ky/whitley/1820/index.txt for listing of Jacob & Valentine who are enumerated in the 1820 Whitley Co.,KY Federal census

Males Females
Head of Household to-10 10-15 16-18 18-25 25-44 45+ to-10 10-15 16-18 18-25 25-44 45+


Jacob 3 1 0 0 1 0 3 0 0 0 1 1

After further speculation, this Jacob appears to be a sibling of William...DAH

Another possible antecedent for William...

20 Sep 2009: [Not likely my William...DAH]

http://files.usgwarchives.org/nc/burke/census/morgandis.txt

This census is from Microcopy No. T-498 Roll 2

"Harmen, Wm 1,4,4,0,0"

1790 Census North Carolina
Rutherford County Morgan District

1 of 1st # free white males 16 year upwards and head of families
4 of 2nd # free white males under 16 years
4 of 3rd # free white females and head of families
0 of 4th # all other free persons
0 of 5th # slaves

end of note 
Harmon, William (I6705)
 
42145 ~James Carl Clontz~

LENOIR

Mr. James Carl Clontz, 79, retired furniture worker, died Jan. 17, 1994, at Grace Hospital.

Funeral is 2 p.m. Thursday at Pendry Funeral Home. Visitation is 12:30 to 2 p.m. Thursday.

Survivors are his wife, Ruby; sons, James Clontz of Broomfield, Colo., William Clontz of Fredericksburg, Va.; brothers, Nestor Clontz of Hartland Community, Parks Clontz; sisters, Ms. Lois Ollis, Ms. Ira Abshire, both of Morganton.

Charlotte Observer, The
Charlotte, North Carolina
Wednesday, January 19, 1994 
Clontz, James Carl "Jeff" (I10864)
 
42146 ~Ruby M. Lewis Clontz~

RUBY M. CLONTZ, 78, of Thornton died April 5. Services were April 9, with burial at the Woodlawn Cemetery in Lenoir, N.C.,

Mrs. Clontz was born in Avery County, N.C., on Feb. 21, 1921. She married James C. Clontz, 1940. She was a retired textile worker.

Survivors include sons Don of Broomfield, Harold of Virginia; three grandchildren; three great-grandchildren.


Rocky Mountain News
Denver, Colorado
Thursday, April 15, 1999 
Lewis, Ruby Marie (I10869)
 
42147 “Abraham Denton moved to the Watauga settlements by 1775, and the family was forced back into Virginia by the Cherokee invasion during the summer of 1776. Abraham was active in the affairs of Washington and Greene Counties. Abraham apparently was living in the section of Washington County which was formed into Greene County. August 23, 1784, Abraham was a delegate from Greene County to the convention held in Jonesboro and which led to the formation of the State of Franklin. Abraham was one of five grantees to 150 acres lying in the Fork of Big Pigeon and French Broad River. This grant was issued by North Carolina June 11, 1788. The land is located in what is now Cocke County, Tennessee. The first church established in what is now Cocke County, Tennessee was the Big Pigeon Baptist Church. Among the charter members is found Mourning Denton. Abraham seems to have disappeared from East Tennessee by the time Tennessee became a state. It is said that he appears in White County, Tennessee about 1809 and in Perry County in 1821. In her book, Edythe Whitely lists the children of Abraham and Mourning Denton. The list seems to have been prepared from letters and other papers collected from John S.[avage] Denton. One letter cited in her book was from Holland Denton, grandson of Abraham and Mourning.”

SOURCE: Templin, David H., “The Denton Family,” Smoky Mountain Historical Newsletter, Vol. IX, #1, 5 pages, Spring 1983.

Abraham's movements:
1766 in NC
1774 in Rowan CO, NC
1783 in Burke CO, NC then to Washington CO, TN (Sinking Creek)
1809 to 1821 in White CO, TN
and later to Hickman and Perry COs, TN.

SOURCE: Skipper Steely, compiled by Cecile Denton Roden, "The Journey Across America: The Texas Dentons, 1630-1931", ©1985 by Cecile Denton Roden, (Paris, TX, By the Author:1985).

“Some of the leaders, reflecting that congress might decline to accept the territory ceded, and remembering that the constitution of North Carolina had made provisions for a future state within her limits on the western side of the Alleghanies, conceived the idea of forming a new state at once and forstalling the carrying out of the cessation programme,

“It was proposed that each captain’s company elect two representatives to asssemble and deliberate on conditions. Davidson county took no part in the proceedings.....Those from Greene county were: Daniel Kennedy, Alexander Outlaw, Joseph Gist, Samuel Weir, Asahel Rawlings, Joseph Bullard, John Managhan, John Murphy, David Campbell, Archibald Stone, Abraham Denton, Charles Robinson, and Elisha Baker.

“The representatives met at Jonesboro August 23, 1874, and organized by selecting John Sevier president and Landon Carter secretary.”

SOURCE: Hale, Will T. & Merritt, Dixon L., "A History of Tennessee and Tennesseans : The Leaders and Representative Men in Commerce, Industry and Modern Activities", Vol. I, Chapter XI, “A State Within a State,” pp. 131-132, Reel/Fiche Number: Genealogy and local history; LH13711, (Online: ProQuest Company, 1999-2003), library card database, [Original published Hale, Will T. A & Merritt, Dixon L., History of Tennessee and Tennesseans : The Leaders and Representative Men in Commerce, Industry and Modern Activities, (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1913)], , accessed 26 Sep 2003.
 
Denton, Abraham III (I16671)
 
42148 “An interlude in the political wrangling occurred on 10 September 1299, when Edward married Margaret of France at Canterbury, in a ceremony conducted by Archbishop Winchelsey, who was, at least briefly, on relatively good terms with the king.

The bishops of Durham, Winchester and Chester were present, as were the earls of Lincoln, Warenne, Warwick, Lancaster, Hereford and Norfolk, along with a host of other magnates. After the ceremony, there was a splendid feast, with entertainment provided by a host of minstrels. The festivities took three days in all". 
Family F15936
 
42149 “Sarah Hicks vs. William Hicks: Complainant and defendant have been married more than 40 years. The defendant, some three years since, maliciously and without any reasonable cause, abandoned complainant and has refused to live with or provide for her. The bonds of matrimony are dissolved. 27 October 1854." Family F1649
 
42150 ¥lfgifu of York (fl. c. 970 – 1002) was the first wife of ¥thelred the Unready (r. 968–1016), by whom she bore many offspring, including Edmund Ironside. It is most probable that she was a daughter of Thored, Earl of southern Northumbria.

Queen consort of England
Tenure 980s–1002
Born fl. c. 970
Died c. 1002
Spouse ¥thelred the Unready
Issue ¥thelstan ¥theling
Ecgberht of England
Edmund, King of England
Eadred ¥theling
Eadwig ¥theling
Edgar of England
Edith, Lady of the Mercians
¥lfgifu, Lady of Northumbria
Wulfhilda, Lady of East Anglia
Father

Identity and background

Her name and paternity do not surface in the sources until sometime after the Conquest. The first to offer any information at all, Sulcard of Westminster (fl. 1080s), merely describes her as being “of very noble English stock” (ex nobilioribus Anglis), without naming her,[1] while in the early 12th century, William of Malmesbury has nothing to report. All primary evidence comes from two Anglo-Norman historians. John of Worcester, also writing in the early 12th century, states that ¥thelred's first wife was ¥lfgifu, daughter of the nobleman ¥thelberht (comes Agelberhtus) and the mother of Edmund, ¥thelstan, Eadwig and Eadgyth.[2] Writing in the 1150s, Ailred of Rievaulx identifies her as a daughter of earl (comes) Thored and the mother of Edmund, though he supplies no name.[3] Ailred had been seneschal at the court of King David I of Scotland (r. 1124–53), whose mother Margaret descended from King ¥thelred and his first wife. Although his testimony is late, his proximity to the royal family may have given him access to genuine information.[4]

Problem of fatherhood

These two accounts are irreconcilable at the point of ascribing two different fathers to ¥thelred's first wife (in both cases, Edmund's mother). One way out of it would be to assume the existence of two different wives before the arrival of Queen Emma, ¥thelred's Norman wife, although this interpretation presents difficulties of its own, especially as the sources envisage a single woman.[5] Historians generally favour the view that John of Worcester was in error about the father's name, as ¥thelberht's very existence is under suspicion:[6] if Latin comes is to be interpreted as a gloss on the office of ealdorman, only two doubtful references to one or two duces (ealdormen) of this name can be put forward that would fit the description.[7] All in all, the combined evidence suggests that ¥thelred's first wife was ¥lfgifu, the daughter of Earl Thored. This magnate is likely to have been the Thored who was a son of Gunnar and earl of (southern) Northumbria.[8]

Marriage and children[edit]
Based largely on the careers of her sons, ¥lfgifu's marriage has been dated approximately to the (mid-)980s.[8] Considering Thored's authority as earl of York and apparently, the tenure of that office without royal appointment, the union would have signified an important step for the West-Saxon royal family by which it secured a foothold in the north.[9] Such a politically weighty union would help explain the close connections maintained by ¥lfgifu's eldest sons Edmund and ¥thelstan with noble families based in the northern Danelaw.[10]

The marriage produced six sons, all of whom were named after ¥thelred's predecessors, and an unknown number of daughters. The eldest sons ¥thelstan, Ecgberht, Eadred and Edmund first attest charters in 993, while the younger sons Eadwig and Edgar first make an appearance in them in 997 and 1001 respectively.[11] Some of these sons seem to have spent part of their childhood in fosterage elsewhere, possibly with ¥thelred's mother ¥lfthryth.[12]

Out of ¥lfgifu's six sons, only Edmund Ironside outlived his father and became king. In 1016 he suffered several defeats against Cnut and in October they agreed to share the kingdom, but Edmund died within six weeks and Cnut became king of all England. ¥thelred gave three of his daughters in marriage to ealdormen, presumably in order to secure the loyalties of his nobles and so to consolidate a defence system against Viking attacks.[13]

Sons

¥thelstan (born before 993, d. 1014)
Ecgberht (born before 993, d. 1005)
Edmund (II) Ironside (born before 993, d. 1016)
Eadred (d. 1012 x 1015)
Eadwig (born before 997, exiled and killed 1017)
Edgar (born before 1001, d. 1012 x 1015)

Daughters

Eadgyth (born before 993), married Eadric Streona, ealdorman of Mercia.[14]
¥lfgifu, married ealdorman Uhtred of Northumbria.[15]
(possibly) Wulfhild, who married Ulfcytel (Snillingr) (d. 1016), apparently ealdorman of East Anglia.[16]
possibly an unnamed daughter who married the ¥thelstan who was killed fighting the Danes at the Battle of Ringmere in 1010. He is called ¥thelred's aºum, meaning either son-in-law or brother-in-law.[16] Ann Williams, however, argues that the latter meaning is the appropriate one and refers to ¥thelstan as being ¥lfgifu's brother.[8]
possibly unnamed daughter, who became abbess of Wherwell.[17]

Life and death

Unlike her mother-in-law, ¥lfthryth, ¥lfgifu was not anointed queen and never signed charters.[18] She did, however, make at least some impression on the contemporary record. In a will issued between 975/980 and 987, the thegn Beorhtric and his wife bequeathed to their “lady” (hlµfdige) an armlet worth 30 gold mancuses and a stallion, calling upon her authority to oversee the implementation of the arrangements set out by will.[19] In a will of later date (AD 990 x 1001), in which she is addressed as “my lady” (mire hlµfdian), the noblewoman ¥thelgifu promised a bequest of 30 mancuses of gold.[20] Just as little is known of ¥lfgifu's life, so the precise date and circumstances of her death cannot be recovered.[21] In any event, she appears to have died by 1002, possibly in childbirth, when ¥thelred took to wife Emma of Normandy, daughter of Count Richard of Rouen, who received or adopted her predecessor's Anglo-Saxon name, ¥lfgifu. 
York, Aelfgifu of Queen consort of England (I50589)
 
42151 ¥thelred II (Old English: ¥¤elrµd, pronounced [µºelrµ?d];[1] c. 966 – 23 April 1016), known as the Unready, was King of the English from 978 to 1013 and again from 1014 until his death. His epithet does not derive from the modern word "unready", but rather from the Old English unrµd (meaning "poorly advised"); it is a pun on his name, which means "well advised".

¥thelred was the son of King Edgar and Queen ¥lfthryth. He came to the throne at about the age of 12, following the assassination of his older half-brother, Edward the Martyr. His brother's murder was carried out by supporters of his own claim to the throne, although he was too young to have any personal involvement. The chief problem of ¥thelred's reign was conflict with the Danes. After several decades of relative peace, Danish raids on English territory began again in earnest in the 980s. Following the Battle of Maldon in 991, ¥thelred paid tribute, or Danegeld, to the Danish king. In 1002, ¥thelred ordered what became known as the St. Brice's Day massacre of Danish settlers. In 1013, King Sweyn Forkbeard of Denmark invaded England, as a result of which ¥thelred fled to Normandy in 1013 and was replaced by Sweyn. However, he returned as king for two years after Sweyn's death in 1014. ¥thelred's 37-year reign was the longest of any Anglo-Saxon king of England, and was only surpassed in the 13th century, by Henry III. ¥thelred was briefly succeeded by his son, Edmund Ironside, but he died after a few months and was replaced by Sweyn's son, Cnut. Another of his sons, Edward the Confessor, became king in 1042.

King of the English
Reign 18 March 978 – 1013 (first time)
Predecessor Edward the Martyr
Successor Sweyn Forkbeard
Reign 1014 – 23 April 1016
(second time)
Predecessor Sweyn Forkbeard
Successor Edmund Ironside
Born c. 966
Died 23 April 1016 (aged about 50)
London, England
Burial Old St Paul's Cathedral, London, now lost
Spouse ¥lfgifu of York
Emma of Normandy
Issue
Detail
See list[show]
House Wessex
Father Edgar, King of England
Mother ¥lfthryth
Religion Christianity

Name

¥thelred's first name, composed of the elements µºele, "noble", and rµd, "counsel, advice",[2] is typical of the compound names of those who belonged to the royal House of Wessex, and it characteristically alliterates with the names of his ancestors, like ¥thelwulf ("noble-wolf"), ¥lfred ("elf-counsel"), Eadweard ("rich-protection"), and Eadgar ("rich-spear").[3]

The story of ¥thelred's notorious nickname, Old English Unrµd, goes a long way toward explaining how his reputation has declined through history[dubious – discuss] It is usually translated into present-day English as "The Unready" (less often, though less confusingly, as "The Redeless").[4] The Anglo-Saxon noun unrµd means "evil counsel", "bad plan", or "folly".[2] It most often describes decisions and deeds, and once refers to the nature of Satan's deceit. The element rµd in unrµd is the element in ¥thelred's name which means "counsel". Thus ¥¤elrµd Unrµd is a pun meaning "Noble counsel, No counsel". The nickname has alternatively been taken adjectivally as "ill-advised", "ill-prepared", "indecisive", thus "¥thelred the ill-advised".

Because the nickname was first recorded in the 1180s, more than 150 years after ¥thelred's death, it is doubtful that it carries any implications for how the king was seen by his contemporaries or near contemporaries.[5]

Early life

Gold mancus of ¥thelred wearing armour, 1003–1006.
Sir Frank Stenton remarked that "much that has brought condemnation of historians on King ¥thelred may well be due in the last resort to the circumstances under which he became king."[6] ¥thelred's father, King Edgar, had died suddenly in July 975, leaving two young sons behind. The elder, Edward (later Edward the Martyr), was probably illegitimate,[7] and was "still a youth on the verge of manhood" in 975.[8] The younger son was ¥thelred, whose mother, ¥lfthryth, Edgar had married in 964. ¥lfthryth was the daughter of Ordgar, ealdorman of Devon, and widow of ¥thelwold, Ealdorman of East Anglia. At the time of his father's death, ¥thelred could have been no more than 10 years old. As the elder of Edgar's sons, Edward – reportedly a young man given to frequent violent outbursts – probably would have naturally succeeded to the throne of England despite his young age, had not he "offended many important persons by his intolerable violence of speech and behaviour."[8] In any case, a number of English nobles took to opposing Edward's succession and to defending ¥thelred's claim to the throne; ¥thelred was, after all, the son of Edgar's last, living wife, and no rumour of illegitimacy is known to have plagued ¥thelred's birth, as it might have his elder brother's.[9] Both boys, ¥thelred certainly, were too young to have played any significant part in the political manoeuvring which followed Edgar's death. It was the brothers' supporters, and not the brothers themselves, who were responsible for the turmoil which accompanied the choice of a successor to the throne. ¥thelred's cause was led by his mother and included ¥lfhere, Ealdorman of Mercia and Bishop ¥thelwold of Winchester,[10] while Edward's claim was supported by Dunstan, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Oswald, the Archbishop of York[11] among other noblemen, notably ¥thelwine, Ealdorman of East Anglia, and Byrhtnoth, ealdorman of Essex. In the end, Edward's supporters proved the more powerful and persuasive, and he was crowned king at Kingston upon Thames before the year was out.

Edward reigned for only three years before he was murdered by members of his brother's household.[12] Though little is known about Edward's short reign, it is known that it was marked by political turmoil. Edgar had made extensive grants of land to monasteries which pursued the new monastic ideals of ecclesiastical reform, but these disrupted aristocratic families' traditional patronage. The end of his firm rule saw a reversal of this policy, with aristocrats recovering their lost properties or seizing new ones. This was opposed by Dunstan, but according to Cyril Hart, "The presence of supporters of church reform on both sides indicates that the conflict between them depended as much on issues of land ownership and local power as on ecclesiastical legitimacy. Adherents of both Edward and ¥thelred can be seen appropriating, or recovering, monastic lands."[7] Nevertheless, favour for Edward must have been strong among the monastic communities. When Edward was killed at ¥thelred's estate at Corfe Castle in Dorset in March 978, the job of recording the event, as well as reactions to it, fell to monastic writers. Stenton offers a summary of the earliest account of Edward's murder, which comes from a work praising the life of St Oswald: "On the surface his [Edward's] relations with ¥thelred his half-brother and ¥lfthryth his stepmother were friendly, and he was visiting them informally when he was killed. [¥thelred's] retainers came out to meet him with ostentatious signs of respect, and then, before he had dismounted, surrounded him, seized his hands, and stabbed him. ... So far as can be seen the murder was planned and carried out by ¥thelred's household men in order that their young master might become king. There is nothing to support the allegation, which first appears in writing more than a century later, that Queen ¥lfthryth had plotted her stepson's death. No one was punished for a part in the crime, and ¥thelred, who was crowned a month after the murder, began to reign in an atmosphere of suspicion which destroyed the prestige of the crown. It was never fully restored in his lifetime."[13] Nevertheless, at first, the outlook of the new king's officers and counsellors seems in no way to have been bleak. According to one chronicler, the coronation of ¥thelred took place with much rejoicing by the councillors of the English people.[14] Simon Keynes notes that "Byrhtferth of Ramsey states similarly that when ¥thelred was consecrated king, by Archbishop Dunstan and Archbishop Oswald, 'there was great joy at his consecration’, and describes the king in this connection as 'a young man in respect of years, elegant in his manners, with an attractive face and handsome appearance'."[14] ¥thelred could not have been older than 13 years of age in this year.

During these early years, ¥thelred was developing a close relationship to ¥thelwold, bishop of Winchester, one who had supported his unsuccessful claim to the throne. When ¥thelwold died, on 1 August 984, ¥thelred deeply lamented the loss, and he wrote later in a charter from 993 that the event had deprived the country of one "whose industry and pastoral care administered not only to my interest but also to that of all inhabitants of the country."[14]

Conflict with the Danes

England had experienced a period of peace after the reconquest of the Danelaw in the mid-10th century by King Edgar, ¥thelred's father. However, beginning in 980, when ¥thelred could not have been more than 14 years old, small companies of Danish adventurers carried out a series of coastline raids against England. Hampshire, Thanet and Cheshire were attacked in 980, Devon and Cornwall in 981, and Dorset in 982. A period of six years then passed before, in 988, another coastal attack is recorded as having taken place to the south-west, though here a famous battle was fought between the invaders and the thegns of Devon. Stenton notes that, though this series of isolated raids had no lasting effect on England itself, "their chief historical importance is that they brought England for the first time into diplomatic contact with Normandy."[15] During this period, the Normans, who remembered their origins as a Scandinavian people, were well-disposed to their Danish cousins who, occasionally returning from a raid on England, sought port in Normandy. This led to grave tension between the English and Norman courts, and word of their enmity eventually reached Pope John XV. The pope was disposed to dissolve their hostility towards each other, and took steps to engineer a peace between England and Normandy, which was ratified in Rouen in 991.

Battle of Maldon

However, in August of that same year, a sizeable Danish fleet began a sustained campaign in the south-east of England. It arrived off Folkestone, in Kent, and made its way around the south-east coast and up the River Blackwater, coming eventually to its estuary and occupying Northey Island.[14] About 2 kilometres (1 mile) west of Northey lies the coastal town of Maldon, where Byrhtnoth, ealdorman of Essex, was stationed with a company of thegns. The battle that followed between English and Danes is immortalised by the Old English poem The Battle of Maldon, which describes the doomed but heroic attempt of Byrhtnoth to defend the coast of Essex against overwhelming odds. Stenton summarises the events of the poem: "For access to the mainland they (the Danes) depended on a causeway, flooded at high tide, which led from Northey to the flats along the southern margin of the estuary. Before they (the Danes) had left their camp on the island[,] Byrhtnoth, with his retainers and a force of local militia, had taken possession of the landward end of the causeway. Refusing a demand for tribute, shouted across the water while the tide was high, Byrhtnoth drew up his men along the bank, and waited for the ebb. As the water fell the raiders began to stream out along the causeway. But three of Byrthnoth's retainers held it against them, and at last they asked to be allowed to cross unhindered and fight on equal terms on the mainland. With what even those who admired him most called 'over-courage', Byrhtnoth agreed to this; the pirates rushed through the falling tide, and battle was joined. Its issue was decided by Byrhtnoth's fall. Many even of his own men immediately took to flight and the English ranks were broken. What gives enduring interest to the battle is the superb courage with which a group of Byrhtnoth's thegns, knowing that the fight was lost, deliberately gave themselves to death in order that they might avenge their lord."[16] This was the first of a series of crushing defeats felt by the English: beaten first by Danish raiders, and later by organised Danish armies.

England begins tributes

In 991, ¥thelred was around 24 years old. In the aftermath of Maldon, it was decided that the English should grant the tribute to the Danes that they desired, and so a gafol of ¹10,000 was paid them for their peace. Yet it was presumably the Danish fleet that had beaten Byrhtnoth at Maldon that continued to ravage the English coast from 991 to 993. In 994, the Danish fleet, which had swollen in ranks since 991, turned up the Thames estuary and headed toward London. The battle fought there was inconclusive. It was about this time that ¥thelred met with the leaders of the fleet, foremost among them Olaf Tryggvason[clarification needed] and arranged an uneasy accord. A treaty was signed between ¥thelred and Olaf that provided for seemingly civilised arrangements between the then-settled Danish companies and the English government, such as regulation settlement disputes and trade. But the treaty also stipulated that the ravaging and slaughter of the previous year would be forgotten, and ended abruptly by stating that ¹22,000 of gold and silver had been paid to the raiders as the price of peace.[17] In 994, Olaf Tryggvason, already a baptised Christian, was confirmed as Christian in a ceremony at Andover; King ¥thelred stood as his sponsor. After receiving gifts, Olaf promised "that he would never come back to England in hostility."[14] Olaf then left England for Norway and never returned, though "other component parts of the Viking force appear to have decided to stay in England, for it is apparent from the treaty that some had chosen to enter into King ¥thelred's service as mercenaries, based presumably on the Isle of Wight."[14]

Renewed Danish raids

In 997, Danish raids began again. According to Keynes, "there is no suggestion that this was a new fleet or army, and presumably the mercenary force created in 994 from the residue of the raiding army of 991 had turned on those whom it had been hired to protect."[14] It harried Cornwall, Devon, western Somerset and south Wales in 997, Dorset, Hampshire and Sussex in 998. In 999, it raided Kent, and, in 1000, it left England for Normandy, perhaps because the English had refused in this latest wave of attacks to acquiesce to the Danish demands for gafol or tribute, which would come to be known as Danegeld, 'Dane-payment'. This sudden relief from attack ¥thelred used to gather his thoughts, resources, and armies: the fleet's departure in 1000 "allowed ¥thelred to carry out a devastation of Strathclyde, the motive for which is part of the lost history of the north."[18]

In 1001, a Danish fleet – perhaps the same fleet from 1000 – returned and ravaged west Sussex. During its movements, the fleet regularly returned to its base in the Isle of Wight. There was later an attempted attack in the south of Devon, though the English mounted a successful defence at Exeter. Nevertheless, ¥thelred must have felt at a loss, and, in the Spring of 1002, the English bought a truce for ¹24,000. ¥thelred's frequent payments of immense Danegelds are often held up as exemplary of the incompetency of his government and his own short-sightedness. However, Keynes points out that such payments had been practice for at least a century, and had been adopted by Alfred the Great, Charles the Bald and many others. Indeed, in some cases it "may have seemed the best available way of protecting the people against loss of life, shelter, livestock and crops. Though undeniably burdensome, it constituted a measure for which the king could rely on widespread support."[14]

St. Brice's Day massacre of 1002

Main article: St. Brice's Day massacre
¥thelred ordered the massacre of all Danish men in England to take place on 13 November 1002, St Brice's Day. No order of this kind could be carried out in more than a third of England, where the Danes were too strong, but Gunhilde, sister of Sweyn Forkbeard, King of Denmark, was said to have been among the victims. It is likely that a wish to avenge her was a principal motive for Sweyn's invasion of western England the following year.[19] By 1004 Sweyn was in East Anglia, where he sacked Norwich. In this year, a nobleman of East Anglia, Ulfcytel Snillingr met Sweyn in force, and made an impression on the until-then rampant Danish expedition. Though Ulfcytel was eventually defeated, outside Thetford, he caused the Danes heavy losses and was nearly able to destroy their ships. The Danish army left England for Denmark in 1005, perhaps because of their injuries sustained in East Anglia, perhaps from the very severe famine which afflicted the continent and the British Isles in that year.[14]

An expedition the following year was bought off in early 1007 by tribute money of ¹36,000, and for the next two years England was free from attack. In 1008, the government created a new fleet of warships, organised on a national scale, but this was weakened when one of its commanders took to piracy, and the king and his council decided not to risk it in a general action. In Stenton's view: "The history of England in the next generation was really determined between 1009 and 1012...the ignominious collapse of the English defence caused a loss of morale which was irreparable." The Danish army of 1009, led by Thorkell the Tall and his brother Hemming, was the most formidable force to invade England since ¥thelred became king. It harried England until it was bought off by ¹48,000 in April 1012.[20]

Invasion of 1013

Sweyn then launched an invasion in 1013 intending to crown himself king of England, during which he proved himself to be a general greater than any other Viking leader of his generation. By the end of 1013 English resistance had collapsed and Sweyn had conquered the country, forcing ¥thelred into exile in Normandy. But the situation changed suddenly when Sweyn died on 3 February 1014. The crews of the Danish ships in the Trent that had supported Sweyn immediately swore their allegiance to Sweyn's son Cnut the Great, but leading English noblemen sent a deputation to ¥thelred to negotiate his restoration to the throne. He was required to declare his loyalty to them, to bring in reforms regarding everything that they disliked and to forgive all that had been said and done against him in his previous reign. The terms of this agreement are of great constitutional interest in early English History as they are the first recorded pact between a King and his subjects and are also widely regarded as showing that many English noblemen had submitted to Sweyn simply because of their distrust of ¥thelred.[21] According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle:

they [the counsellors] said that no lord was dearer to them than their natural (gecynde) lord, if he would govern them more justly than he did before. Then the king sent his son Edward hither with his messengers and bade them greet all his people and said that he would be a gracious (hold) lord to them, and reform all the things which they hated; and all the things which had been said and done against him should be forgiven on condition that they all unanimously turned to him (to him gecyrdon) without treachery. And complete friendship was then established with oath and pledge (mid worde and mid wµdde) on both sides, and they pronounced every Danish king an exile from England forever.[22]
¥thelred then launched an expedition against Cnut and his allies. It was only the people of the Kingdom of Lindsey (modern North Lincolnshire) who supported Cnut. ¥thelred first set out to recapture London apparently with the help of the Norwegian Olaf Haraldsson. According to the Icelandic historian, Snorri Sturluson, Ólaf led a successful attack on London bridge with a fleet of ships. He then went on to help ¥thelred retake London and other parts of the country. Cnut and his army decided to withdraw from England, in April 1014, leaving his Lindsey allies to suffer ¥thelred's revenge. In about 1016 it is thought that Ólaf left to concentrate on raiding western Europe.[23] In the same year, Cnut returned to find a complex and volatile situation unfolding in England.[23] ¥thelred's son, Edmund Ironside, had revolted against his father and established himself in the Danelaw, which was angry at Cnut and ¥thelred for the ravaging of Lindsey and was prepared to support Edmund in any uprising against both of them

Death and burial

Over the next few months Cnut conquered most of England, while Edmund rejoined ¥thelred to defend London when ¥thelred died on 23 April 1016. The subsequent war between Edmund and Cnut ended in a decisive victory for Cnut at the Battle of Ashingdon on 18 October 1016. Edmund's reputation as a warrior was such that Cnut nevertheless agreed to divide England, Edmund taking Wessex and Cnut the whole of the country beyond the Thames. However, Edmund died on 30 November and Cnut became king of the whole country.[24]

¥thelred was buried in Old St Paul's Cathedral, London. The tomb and his monument were destroyed along with the cathedral in the Great Fire of London in 1666.[25] A modern monument in the crypt lists his among the important graves lost.

Legislation

A charter of ¥thelred's in 1003 to his follower, ¥thelred. British Library, London.
¥thelred's government produced extensive legislation, which he "ruthlessly enforced."[26] Records of at least six legal codes survive from his reign, covering a range of topics.[27] Notably, one of the members of his council (known as the Witan) was Wulfstan II, Archbishop of York, a well-known homilist. The three latest codes from ¥thelred's reign seemed to have been drafted by Wulfstan.[28] These codes are extensively concerned with ecclesiastical affairs. They also exhibit the characteristics of Wulfstan's highly rhetorical style. Wulfstan went on to draft codes for King Cnut, and recycled there many of the laws which were used in ¥thelred's codes.[29]

Despite the failure of his government in the face of the Danish threat, ¥thelred's reign was not without some important institutional achievements. The quality of the coinage, a good indicator of the prevailing economic conditions, significantly improved during his reign due to his numerous coinage reform laws.[30]

Legacy

Later perspectives of ¥thelred have been less than flattering. Numerous legends and anecdotes have sprung up to explain his shortcomings, often elaborating abusively on his character and failures. One such anecdote is given by William of Malmesbury (lived c. 1080–c. 1143), who reports that ¥thelred had defecated in the baptismal font as a child, which led St Dunstan to prophesy that the English monarchy would be overthrown during his reign. This story is, however, a fabrication, and a similar story is told of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Copronymus, another mediaeval monarch who was unpopular among certain of his subjects.

Efforts to rehabilitate ¥thelred's reputation have gained momentum since about 1980. Chief among the rehabilitators has been Simon Keynes, who has often argued that our poor impression of ¥thelred is almost entirely based upon after-the-fact accounts of, and later accretions to, the narrative of events during ¥thelred's long and complex reign. Chief among the culprits is in fact one of the most important sources for the history of the period, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which, as it reports events with a retrospect of 15 years, cannot help but interpret events with the eventual English defeat a foregone conclusion. Yet, as virtually no strictly contemporary narrative account of the events of ¥thelred's reign exists, historians are forced to rely on what evidence there is. Keynes and others thus draw attention to some of the inevitable snares of investigating the history of a man whom later popular opinion has utterly damned. Recent cautious assessments of ¥thelred's reign have more often uncovered reasons to doubt, rather than uphold, ¥thelred's later infamy. Though the failures of his government will always put ¥thelred's reign in the shadow of the reigns of kings Edgar, Aethelstan, and Alfred, historians' current impression of ¥thelred's personal character is certainly not as unflattering as it once was: "¥thelred's misfortune as a ruler was owed not so much to any supposed defects of his imagined character, as to a combination of circumstances which anyone would have found difficult to control."[31]

Origin of the jury

¥thelred has been credited with the formation of a local investigative body made up of twelve thegns who were charged with publishing the names of any notorious or wicked men in their respective districts. Because the members of these bodies were under solemn oath to act in accordance with the law and their own good consciences, they have been seen by some legal historians as the prototype for the English Grand Jury.[32] ¥thelred makes provision for such a body in a law code he enacted at Wantage in 997, which states:

¤µt man habbe gemot on µlcum wµpentace; & gan ut ¤a yldestan XII ¤egnas & se gerefa mid, & swerian on ¤am haligdome, ¤e heom man on hand sylle, ¤µt hig nellan nµnne sacleasan man forsecgean ne nµnne sacne forhelan. & niman ¤onne ¤a tihtbysian men, ¤e mid ¤am gerefan habbaº, & heora µlc sylle VI healfmarc wedd, healf landrican & healf wµpentake.[33]

that there shall be an assembly in every wapentake,[34] and in that assembly shall go forth the twelve eldest thegns and the reeve along with them, and let them swear on holy relics, which shall be placed in their hands, that they will never knowingly accuse an innocent man nor conceal a guilty man. And thereafter let them seize those notorious [lit. "charge-laden"] men, who have business with the reeve, and let each of them give a security of 6 half-marks, half of which shall go to the lord of that district, and half to the wapentake.

But the wording here suggests that ¥thelred was perhaps revamping or re-confirming a custom which had already existed. He may actually have been expanding an established English custom for use among the Danish citizens in the North (the Danelaw). Previously, King Edgar had legislated along similar lines in his Whitbordesstan code:

ic wille, ¤µt µlc mon sy under borge ge binnan burgum ge buton burgum. & gewitnes sy geset to µlcere byrig & to µlcum hundrode. To µlcere byrig XXXVI syn gecorone to gewitnesse; to smalum burgum & to µlcum hundrode XII, buton ge ma willan. & µlc mon mid heora gewitnysse bigcge & sylle µlc ¤ara ceapa, ¤e he bigcge oººe sylle a¤er oººe burge oººe on wµpengetace. & heora µlc, ¤onne hine man µrest to gewitnysse gecysº, sylle ¤µne aº, ¤µt he nµfre, ne for feo ne for lufe ne for ege, ne µtsace nanes ¤ara ¤inga, ¤e he to gewitnysse wµs, & nan oºer ¤ingc on gewitnysse ne cyºe buton ¤µt an, ¤µt he geseah oººe gehyrde. & swa geµ¤dera manna syn on µlcum ceape twegen oººe ¤ry to gewitnysse.[35]

It is my wish that each person be in surety, both within settled areas and without. And 'witnessing' shall be established in each city and each hundred. To each city let there be 36 chosen for witnessing; to small towns and to each hundred let there be 12, unless they desire more. And everybody shall purchase and sell their goods in the presence a witness, whether he is buying or selling something, whether in a city or a wapentake. And each of them, when they first choose to become a witness, shall give an oath that he will never, neither for wealth nor love nor fear, deny any of those things which he will be a witness to, and will not, in his capacity as a witness, make known any thing except that which he saw and heard. And let there be either two or three of these sworn witnesses at every sale of goods.

The 'legend' of an Anglo-Saxon origin to the jury was first challenged seriously by Heinrich Brunner in 1872, who claimed that evidence of the jury was only seen for the first time during the reign of Henry II, some 200 years after the end of the Anglo-Saxon period, and that the practice had originated with the Franks, who in turn had influenced the Normans, who thence introduced it to England.[36] Since Brunner's thesis, the origin of the English jury has been much disputed. Throughout the 20th century, legal historians disagreed about whether the practice was English in origin, or was introduced, directly or indirectly, from either Scandinavia or Francia.[32] Recently, the legal historians Patrick Wormald and Michael Macnair have reasserted arguments in favour of finding in practices current during the Anglo-Saxon period traces of the Angevin practice of conducting inquests using bodies of sworn, private witnesses. Wormald has gone as far as to present evidence suggesting that the English practice outlined in ¥thelred's Wantage code is at least as old as, if not older than, 975, and ultimately traces it back to a Carolingian model (something Brinner had done).[37] However, no scholarly consensus has yet been reached.

Appearance and character

"[A] youth of graceful manners, handsome countenance and fine person..."[38] as well as "[A] tall, handsome man, elegant in manners, beautiful in countenance and interesting in his deportment."[39]

Marriages and issue

¥thelred married first ¥lfgifu, daughter of Thored, earl of Northumbria, in about 985.[14] Their known children are:

¥thelstan ¥theling (died 1014)
Ecgberht ¥theling (died c. 1005)[40]
Edmund Ironside (died 1016)
Eadred ¥theling (died before 1013)
Eadwig ¥theling (executed by Cnut 1017)
Edgar ¥theling (died c. 1008)[40]
Eadgyth or Edith (married Eadric Streona)
¥lfgifu (married Uchtred the Bold, ealdorman of Northumbria)
Wulfhilda? (married Ulfcytel Snillingr)
Abbess of Wherwell Abbey?
In 1002 ¥thelred married Emma of Normandy, sister of Richard II, Duke of Normandy. Their children were:

Edward the Confessor (died 1066)
¥lfred ¥theling (died 1036–7)
Goda of England (married 1. Drogo of Mantes and 2. Eustace II, Count of Boulogne)
All of ¥thelred's sons were named after predecessors of ¥thelred on the throne.[41] 
Unready, Aethelred the King of the English (I50588)
 
42152 ¥thelwulf (Old English for "Noble Wolf";[2] died 13 January 858) was King of Wessex from 839 to 858.[a] In 825, his father, King Egbert, defeated King Beornwulf of Mercia, ending a long Mercian dominance over Anglo-Saxon England south of the Humber. Egbert sent ¥thelwulf with an army to Kent, where he expelled the Mercian sub-king and was himself appointed sub-king. After 830, Egbert maintained good relations with Mercia, and this was continued by ¥thelwulf when he became king in 839, the first son to succeed his father as West Saxon king since 641.

The Vikings were not a major threat to Wessex during ¥thelwulf's reign. In 843, he was defeated in a battle against the Vikings at Carhampton in Somerset, but he achieved a major victory at the Battle of Aclea in 851. In 853 he joined a successful Mercian expedition to Wales to restore the traditional Mercian hegemony, and in the same year his daughter ¥thelswith married King Burgred of Mercia. In 855 ¥thelwulf went on pilgrimage to Rome. In preparation he gave a "decimation", donating a tenth of his personal property to his subjects; he appointed his eldest surviving son ¥thelbald to act as King of Wessex in his absence, and his next son ¥thelberht to rule Kent and the south-east. ¥thelwulf spent a year in Rome, and on his way back he married Judith, the daughter of the West Frankish King Charles the Bald.

When ¥thelwulf returned to England, ¥thelbald refused to surrender the West Saxon throne, and ¥thelwulf agreed to divide the kingdom, taking the east and leaving the west in ¥thelbald's hands. On ¥thelwulf's death in 858 he left Wessex to ¥thelbald and Kent to ¥thelberht, but ¥thelbald's death only two years later led to the reunification of the kingdom.

In the 20th century ¥thelwulf's reputation among historians was poor: he was seen as excessively pious and impractical, and his pilgrimage was viewed as a desertion of his duties. Historians in the 21st century see him very differently, as a king who consolidated and extended the power of his dynasty, commanded respect on the continent, and dealt more effectively than most of his contemporaries with Viking attacks. He is regarded as one of the most successful West Saxon kings, who laid the foundations for the success of his son, Alfred the Great.

King of Wessex
Reign 839–858
Predecessor Egbert
Successor ¥thelbald
Died 13 January 858
Burial Steyning then Old Minster, Winchester; remains may now be in Winchester Cathedral[1]
Spouse Osburh
Judith
Issue ¥thelstan, King of Kent
¥thelswith, Queen of Mercia
¥thelbald, King of Wessex
¥thelberht, King of Wessex
¥thelred, King of Wessex
Alfred, King of Wessex
House House of Wessex
Father Egbert

Background

Southern British Isles 9th century
Southern Britain in the middle of the ninth century
At the beginning of the 9th century, England was almost completely under the control of the Anglo-Saxons, with Mercia and Wessex the most important southern kingdoms. Mercia was dominant until the 820s, and it exercised overlordship over East Anglia and Kent, but Wessex was able to maintain its independence from its more powerful neighbour. Offa, King of Mercia from 757 to 796, was the dominant figure of the second half of the 8th century. King Beorhtric of Wessex (786–802), married Offa's daughter in 789. Beorhtric and Offa drove ¥thelwulf's father Egbert into exile, and he spent several years at the court of Charlemagne in Francia. Egbert was the son of Ealhmund, who had briefly been King of Kent in 784. Following Offa's death, King Coenwulf of Mercia (796–821) maintained Mercian dominance, but it is uncertain whether Beorhtric ever accepted political subordination, and when he died in 802 Egbert became king, perhaps with the support of Charlemagne.[5] For two hundred years three kindreds had fought for the West Saxon throne, and no son had followed his father as king. Egbert's best claim was that he was the great-great-grandson of Ingild, brother of King Ine (688–726), and in 802 it would have seemed very unlikely that he would establish a lasting dynasty.[6]

Almost nothing is recorded of the first twenty years of Egbert's reign, apart from campaigns against the Cornish in the 810s.[7] The historian Richard Abels argues that the silence of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was probably intentional, concealing Egbert's purge of Beorhtric's magnates and suppression of rival royal lines.[8] Relations between Mercian kings and their Kentish subjects were distant. Kentish ealdormen did not attend the court of King Coenwulf, who quarrelled with Archbishop Wulfred of Canterbury (805–832) over the control of Kentish monasteries; Coenwulf's primary concern seems to have been to gain access to the wealth of Kent. His successors Ceolwulf I (821–23) and Beornwulf (823–26) restored relations with Archbishop Wulfred, and Beornwulf appointed a sub-king of Kent, Baldred.[9]

England had suffered Viking raids in the late 8th century, but no attacks are recorded between 794 and 835, when the Isle of Sheppey in Kent was ravaged.[10] In 836 Egbert was defeated by the Vikings at Carhampton in Somerset,[7] but in 838 he was victorious over an alliance of Cornishmen and Vikings at the Battle of Hingston Down, reducing Cornwall to the status of a client kingdom.[11]

Family

¥thelwulf was the son of Egbert, King of Wessex from 802 to 839. His mother's name is unknown, and he had no recorded siblings. He is known to have had two wives in succession, and so far as is known, Osburh, the senior of the two, was the mother of all his children. She was the daughter of Oslac, described by Asser, biographer of their son Alfred the Great, as "King ¥thelwulf's famous butler",[b] a man who was descended from Jutes who had ruled the Isle of Wight.[13][14] ¥thelwulf had six known children. His eldest son, ¥thelstan, was old enough to be appointed King of Kent in 839, so he must have been born by the early 820s, and he died in the early 850s.[c] The second son, ¥thelbald, is first recorded as a charter witness in 841, and if, like Alfred, he began to attest when he was around six, he would have been born around 835; he was King of Wessex from 858 to 860. ¥thelwulf's third son, ¥thelberht, was probably born around 839 and was king from 860 to 865. The only daughter, ¥thelswith, married Burgred, King of Mercia, in 853.[16] The other two sons were much younger: ¥thelred was born around 848 and was king from 865 to 871, and Alfred was born around 849 and was king from 871 to 899.[17] In 856 ¥thelwulf married Judith, daughter of Charles the Bald, King of West Francia and future Holy Roman Emperor, and his wife Ermentrude. Osburh had probably died, although it is possible that she had been repudiated.[d] There were no children from ¥thelwulf's marriage to Judith, and after his death she married his eldest surviving son and successor, ¥thelbald.[13]

Early life

¥thelwulf was first recorded in 825, when Egbert won the crucial Battle of Ellandun against King Beornwulf of Mercia, ending the long Mercian ascendancy over southern England. Egbert followed it up by sending ¥thelwulf with Eahlstan, Bishop of Sherborne, and Wulfheard, Ealdorman of Hampshire, with a large army into Kent to expel sub-king Baldred.[e] ¥thelwulf was descended from kings of Kent, and he was sub-king of Kent, and of Surrey, Sussex and Essex, which were then included in the sub-kingdom, until he inherited the throne of Wessex in 839.[22] His sub-kingship is recorded in charters, in some of which King Egbert acted with his son's permission,[13] such as a grant in 838 to Bishop Beornmod of Rochester, and ¥thelwulf himself issued a charter as King of Kent in the same year.[23] Unlike their Mercian predecessors, who alienated the Kentish people by ruling from a distance, ¥thelwulf and his father successfully cultivated local support by governing through Kentish ealdormen and promoting their interests.[24] In Abels' view, Egbert and ¥thelwulf rewarded their friends and purged Mercian supporters.[25][f] Historians take differing views on the attitude of the new regime to the Kentish church. At Canterbury in 828 Egbert granted privileges to the bishopric of Rochester, and according to the historian of Anglo-Saxon England Simon Keynes, Egbert and ¥thelwulf took steps to secure the support of Archbishop Wulfred.[27] However, the medievalist Nicholas Brooks argues that Wulfred's Mercian origin and connections proved a liability. ¥thelwulf seized an estate in East Malling from the Canterbury church on the ground that it had only been granted by Baldred when he was in flight from the West Saxon forces; the issue of archiepiscopal coinage was suspended for several years; and the only estate Wulfred was granted after 825 he received from King Wiglaf of Mercia.[28]

In 829 Egbert conquered Mercia, only for Wiglaf to recover his kingdom a year later.[29] The scholar D. P. Kirby sees Wiglaf's restoration in 830 as a dramatic reversal for Egbert, which was probably followed by his loss of control of the London mint and the Mercian recovery of Essex and Berkshire,[30] and the historian Heather Edwards states that his "immense conquest could not be maintained".[7] However, in the view of Keynes:

It is interesting ... that both Egbert and his son ¥thelwulf appear to have respected the separate identity of Kent and its associated provinces, as if there appears to have been no plan at this stage to absorb the southeast into an enlarged kingdom stretching across the whole of southern England. Nor does it seem to have been the intention of Egbert and his successors to maintain supremacy of any kind over the kingdom of Mercia ... It is quite possible that Egbert had relinquished Mercia of his own volition; and there is no suggestion that any residual antagonism affected relations between the rulers of Wessex and Mercia thereafter.[31]

In 838 King Egbert held an assembly at Kingston in Surrey, where ¥thelwulf may have been consecrated as king by the archbishop. Egbert restored the East Malling estate to Wulfred's successor as Archbishop of Canterbury, Ceolnoth, in return for a promise of "firm and unbroken friendship" for himself and ¥thelwulf and their heirs, and the same condition is specified in a grant to the see of Winchester. Egbert thus ensured support for ¥thelwulf, who became the first son to succeed his father as West Saxon king since 641.[32] At the same meeting Kentish monasteries chose ¥thelwulf as their lord, and he undertook that, after his death, they would have freedom to elect their heads. Wulfred had devoted his archiepiscopate to fighting against secular power over Kentish monasteries, but Ceolnoth now surrendered effective control to ¥thelwulf, whose offer of freedom from control after his death was unlikely to be honoured by his successors. Kentish ecclesiastics and laymen now looked for protection against Viking attacks to West Saxon rather than Mercian royal power. [33]

Egbert's conquests brought him wealth far greater than his predecessors had enjoyed, and enabled him to purchase the support which secured the West Saxon throne for his descendants.[34] The stability brought by the dynastic succession of Egbert and ¥thelwulf led to an expansion of commercial and agrarian resources, and to an expansion of royal income.[35] The wealth of the West Saxon kings was also increased by the agreement in 838–39 with Archbishop Ceolnoth for the previously independent West Saxon minsters to accept the king as their secular lord in return for his protection.[36] However, there was no certainty that the hegemony of Wessex would prove more permanent than that of Mercia.[37]

King of Wessex

13th century depiction of ¥thelwulf
Depiction of ¥thelwulf in the late-13th-century Genealogical Chronicle of the English Kings
When ¥thelwulf succeeded to the throne of Wessex in 839, his experience as sub-king of Kent had given him valuable training in kingship, and he in turn made his own sons sub-kings.[38] According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, on his accession "he gave to his son ¥thelstan the kingdom of the people of Kent, and the kingdom of the East Saxons [Essex] and of the people of Surrey and of the South Saxons [Sussex]". However, ¥thelwulf did not give ¥thelstan the same power as his father had given him, and although ¥thelstan attested his father's charters[g] as king, he does not appear to have been given the power to issue his own charters. ¥thelwulf exercised authority in the south-east and made regular visits there. He governed Wessex and Kent as separate spheres, and assemblies in each kingdom were only attended by the nobility of that country. The historian Janet Nelson says that "¥thelwulf ran a Carolingian-style family firm of plural realms, held together by his own authority as father-king, and by the consent of distinct âelites." He maintained his father's policy of governing Kent through ealdormen appointed from the local nobility and advancing their interests, but gave less support to the church.[39] In 843 ¥thelwulf granted ten hides at Little Chart to ¥thelmod, the brother of the leading Kentish ealdorman Ealhere, and ¥thelmod succeeded to the post on his brother's death in 853.[40] In 844 ¥thelwulf granted land at Horton in Kent to Ealdorman Eadred, with permission to transfer parts of it to local landowners; in a culture of reciprocity, this created a network of mutual friendships and obligations between the beneficiaries and the king.[41] Archbishops of Canterbury were firmly in the West Saxon king's sphere. His ealdormen enjoyed a high status, and were sometimes placed higher than the king's sons in lists of witnesses to charters.[42] His reign is the first for which there is evidence of royal priests,[43] and Malmesbury Abbey regarded him as an important benefactor, who is said to have been the donor of a shrine for the relics of Saint Aldhelm.[44]

After 830, Egbert had followed a policy of maintaining good relations with Mercia, and this was continued by ¥thelwulf when he became king. London was traditionally a Mercian town, but in the 830s it was under West Saxon control; soon after ¥thelwulf's accession it reverted to Mercian control.[45] King Wiglaf of Mercia died in 839 and his successor, Berhtwulf, revived the Mercian mint in London; the two kingdoms appear to have struck a joint issue in the mid-840s, possibly indicating West Saxon help in reviving Mercian coinage, and showing the friendly relations between the two powers. Berkshire was still Mercian in 844, but by 849 it was part of Wessex, as Alfred was born in that year at the West Saxon royal estate in Wantage, then in Berkshire.[46][h] However, the local Mercian ealdorman, also called ¥thelwulf, retained his position under the West Saxon kings.[48] Berhtwulf died in 852 and cooperation with Wessex continued under Burgred, his successor as King of Mercia, who married ¥thelwulf's daughter ¥thelswith in 853. In the same year ¥thelwulf assisted Burgred in a successful attack on Wales to restore the traditional Mercian hegemony over the Welsh.[49]

In 9th-century Mercia and Kent, royal charters were produced by religious houses, each with its own style, but in Wessex there was a single royal diplomatic tradition, probably by a single agency acting for the king. This may have originated in Egbert's reign, and it becomes clear in the 840s, when ¥thelwulf had a Frankish secretary called Felix.[50] There were strong contacts between the West Saxon and Carolingian courts. The Annals of St Bertin took particular interest in Viking attacks on Britain, and in 852 Lupus, the Abbot of Ferriáeres and a protâegâe of Charles the Bald, wrote to ¥thelwulf congratulating him on his victory over the Vikings and requesting a gift of lead to cover his church roof. Lupus also wrote to his "most beloved friend" Felix, asking him to manage the transport of the lead.[51] Unlike Canterbury and the south-east, Wessex did not see a sharp decline in the standard of Latin in charters in the mid-9th century, and this may have been partly due to Felix and his continental contacts.[52] Lupus thought that Felix had great influence over the King.[13] Charters were mainly issued from royal estates in counties which were the heartland of ancient Wessex, namely Hampshire, Somerset, Wiltshire and Dorset, with a few in Kent.[53]

An ancient division between east and west Wessex continued to be important in the 9th century; the boundary was Selwood Forest on the borders of Somerset, Dorset and Wiltshire. The two bishoprics of Wessex were Selborne in the west and Winchester in the east. ¥thelwulf's family connections seem to have been west of Selwood, but his patronage was concentrated further east, particularly on Winchester, where his father was buried, and where he appointed Swithun to succeed Helmstan as bishop in 852–853. However, he made a grant of land in Somerset to his leading ealdorman, Eanwulf, and on 26 December 846 he granted a large estate to himself in South Hams in west Devon. He thus changed it from royal demesne, which he was obliged to pass on to his successor as king, to bookland, which could be transferred as the owner pleased, so he could make land grants to followers to improve security in a frontier zone.[54]

Viking threat

Viking raids increased in the early 840s on both sides of the English Channel, and in 843 ¥thelwulf was defeated by the companies of 35 Danish ships at Carhampton in Somerset. In 850 sub-king ¥thelstan and Ealdorman Ealhhere of Kent won a naval victory over a large Viking fleet off Sandwich in Kent, capturing nine ships and driving off the rest. ¥thelwulf granted Ealhhere a large estate in Kent, but ¥thelstan is not heard of again, and probably died soon afterwards. The following year the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records five different attacks on southern England. A Danish fleet of 350 Viking ships took London and Canterbury, and when King Berhtwulf of Mercia went to their relief he was defeated. The Vikings then moved on to Surrey, where they were defeated by ¥thelwulf and his son ¥thelbald at the Battle of Aclea. According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle the West Saxon levies "there made the greatest slaughter of a heathen that we have heard tell of up to the present day". The Chronicle frequently reported victories during ¥thelwulf's reign won by levies led by ealdormen, unlike the 870s when royal command was emphasised, reflecting a more consensual style of leadership in the earlier period.[55]

In 850 a Danish army wintered on Thanet, and in 853 ealdormen Ealhhere of Kent and Huda of Surrey were killed in a battle against the Vikings, also on Thanet. In 855 Danish Vikings stayed over the winter on Sheppey, before carrying on their pillaging of eastern England.[56] However, during ¥thelwulf's reign Viking attacks were contained and did not present a major threat.[57]

Coinage

Coin of King ¥thelwulf
Coin of King ¥thelwulf: "E£ELVVLF REX", moneyer Manna, Canterbury[58]
The silver penny was almost the only coin used in middle and later Anglo-Saxon England. ¥thelwulf's coinage came from a main mint in Canterbury and a secondary one at Rochester; both had been used by Egbert for his own coinage after he gained control of Kent. During ¥thelwulf's reign, there were four main phases of the coinage distinguishable at both mints, though they are not exactly parallel and it is uncertain when the transitions took place. The first issue at Canterbury carried a design known as Saxoniorum, which had been used by Egbert for one of his own issues. This was replaced by a portrait design in about 843, which can be subdivided further; the earliest coins have cruder designs than the later ones. At the Rochester mint the sequence was reversed, with an initial portrait design replaced, also in about 843, by a non-portrait design carrying a cross-and-wedges pattern on the obverse.[13][59]

In about 848 both mints switched to a common design known as Dor¯b¯/Cant – the characters "Dor¯b¯" on the obverse of these coins indicate either Dorobernia (Canterbury) or Dorobrevia (Rochester), and "Cant", referring to Kent, appeared on the reverse. It is possible that the Canterbury mint continued to produce portrait coins at the same time. The Canterbury issue seems to have been ended in 850–851 by Viking raids, though it is possible that Rochester was spared, and the issue may have continued there. The final issue, again at both mints, was introduced in about 852; it has an inscribed cross on the reverse and a portrait on the obverse. ¥thelwulf's coinage became debased by the end of his reign, and though the problem became worse after his death it is possible that the debasement prompted the changes in coin type from as early as 850.[60]

¥thelwulf's first Rochester coinage may have begun when he was still sub-king of Kent, under Egbert. A hoard of coins deposited at the beginning of ¥thelwulf's reign in about 840, found in the Middle Temple in London, contained 22 coins from Rochester and two from Canterbury of the first issue of each mint. Some numismatists argue that the high proportion of Rochester coins means that the issue must have commenced before Egbert's death, but an alternative explanation is that whoever hoarded the coins simply happened to have access to more Rochester coins. No coins were issued by ¥thelwulf's sons during his reign.[61]

Ceolnoth, Archbishop of Canterbury throughout ¥thelwulf's reign, also minted coins of his own at Canterbury: there were three different portrait designs, thought to be contemporary with each of the first three of ¥thelwulf's Canterbury issues. These were followed by an inscribed cross design that was uniform with ¥thelwulf's final coinage. At Rochester, Bishop Beornmod produced only one issue, a cross-and-wedges design which was contemporary with ¥thelwulf's Saxoniorum issue.[62]

In the view of the numismatists Philip Grierson and Mark Blackburn, the mints of Wessex, Mercia and East Anglia were not greatly affected by changes in political control: "the remarkable continuity of moneyers which can be seen at each of these mints suggests that the actual mint organisation was largely independent of the royal administration and was founded in the stable trading communities of each city".[63]

Decimation Charters
Charter of King ¥thelwulf
Charter S 316 dated 855, in which ¥thelwulf granted land at Ulaham in Kent to his minister Ealdhere.[64]
The early 20th-century historian W. H. Stevenson observed that: "Few things in our early history have led to so much discussion" as ¥thelwulf's Decimation Charters;[65] a hundred years later the charter expert Susan Kelly described them as "one of the most controversial groups of Anglo-Saxon diplomas".[66] Both Asser and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle say that ¥thelwulf gave a decimation,[i] in 855, shortly before leaving on pilgrimage to Rome. According to the Chronicle "King ¥thelwulf conveyed by charter the tenth part of his land throughout all his kingdom to the praise of God and to his own eternal salvation". However, Asser states that "¥thelwulf, the esteemed king, freed the tenth part of his whole kingdom from royal service and tribute, and as an everlasting inheritance he made it over on the cross of Christ to the triune God, for the redemption of his soul and those of his predecessors."[68] According to Keynes, Asser's version may just be a "loose translation" of the Chronicle, and his implication that ¥thelwulf released a tenth of all land from secular burdens was probably not intended. All land could be regarded as the king's land, so the Chronicle reference to "his land" does not necessarily refer to royal property, and since the booking of land – conveying it by charter – was always regarded as a pious act, Asser's statement that he made it over to God does not necessarily mean that the charters were in favour of the church.[69]

The Decimation Charters are divided by Susan Kelly into four groups:

Two dated at Winchester on 5 November 844. In a charter in the Malmesbury archive, ¥thelwulf refers in the proem to the perilous state of his kingdom as the result of the assaults of pagans and barbarians. For the sake of his soul and in return for masses for the king and ealdormen each Wednesday, "I have decided to give in perpetual liberty some portion of hereditary lands to all those ranks previously in possession, both to God's servants and handmaidens serving God and to laymen, always the tenth hide, and where it is less, then the tenth part."[j]
Six dated at Wilton on Easter Day, 22 April 854. In the common text of these charters, ¥thelwulf states that "for the sake of his soul and the prosperity of the kingdom and [the salvation of] the people assigned to him by God, he has acted upon the advice given to him by his bishops, comites, and all his nobles. He has granted the tenth part of the lands throughout his kingdom, not only to the churches, but also to his thegns. The land is granted in perpetual liberty, so that it will remain free of royal services and all secular burdens. In return there will be liturgical commemoration of the king and of his bishops and ealdormen."[k]
Five from Old Minster, Winchester, connected with the Wilton meeting but generally considered spurious.[l]
One from Kent dated 855, the only one to have the same date as the decimation according to Chronicle and Asser. The king grants to his thegn Dunn property in Rochester "on account of the decimation of lands which by God's gift I have decided to do". Dunn left the land to his wife with reversion to Rochester Cathedral.[m][72]
None of the charters are original, and Stevenson dismissed all of them as fraudulent apart from the Kentish one of 855. Stevenson saw the decimation as a donation of royal demesne to churches and laymen, with those grants which were made to laymen being on the understanding that there would be reversion to a religious institution.[73] Up to the 1990s, his view on the authenticity of the charters was generally accepted by scholars, with the exception of the historian H. P. R. Finberg, who argued in 1964 that most are based on authentic diplomas. Finberg coined the terms the 'First Decimation' of 844, which he saw as the removal of public dues on a tenth of all bookland, and the 'Second Decimation' of 854, the donation of a tenth of "the private domain of the royal house" to the churches. He considered it unlikely that the First Decimation had been carried into effect, probably due to the threat from the Vikings. Finberg's terminology has been adopted, but his defence of the First Decimation generally rejected. In 1994 Keynes defended the Wilton charters in group 2, and his arguments have been widely accepted.[74]

Historians have been divided on how to interpret the Second Decimation, and in 1994 Keynes described it as "one of the most perplexing problems" in the study of 9th-century charters. He set out three alternatives:

It conveyed a tenth of the royal demesne – the lands of the crown as opposed to the personal property of the sovereign – into the hands of churches, ecclesiastics and laymen. In Anglo-Saxon England property was either folkland or bookland. The transmission of folkland was governed by the customary rights of kinsmen, subject to the king's approval, whereas bookland was established by the grant of a royal charter, and could be disposed of freely by the owner. Booking land thus converted it by charter from folkland to bookland. The royal demesne was the crown's folkland, whereas the king's bookland was his own personal property which he could leave by will as he chose. In the decimation ¥thelwulf may have conveyed royal folkland by charter to become bookland, in some cases to laymen who already leased the land.[75]
It was the booking of a tenth of folkland to its owners, who would then be free to convey it to a church.[76]
It was a reduction of one tenth in the secular burdens on lands already in the possession of landowners.[76] The secular burdens would have included the provision of supplies for the king and his officials, and payment of various taxes.[77]
Some scholars, for example Frank Stenton, author of the standard history of Anglo-Saxon England, along with Keynes and Abels, see the Second Decimation as a donation of royal demesne. In Abels' view ¥thelwulf sought loyalty from the aristocracy and church during the king's forthcoming absence from Wessex, and displayed a sense of dynastic insecurity also evident in his father's generosity towards the Kentish church in 838, and in an "avid attention" in this period to compiling and revising royal genealogies.[78] Keynes suggests that "¥thelwulf's purpose was presumably to earn divine assistance in his struggles against the Vikings",[79] and the mid-20th-century historian Eric John observes that "a lifetime of medieval studies teaches one that an early medieval king was never so political as when he was on his knees".[80] The view that the decimation was a donation of the king's own personal estate is supported by the Anglo-Saxonist Alfred Smyth, who argues that these were the only lands the king was entitled to alienate by book.[81][n] The historian Martin Ryan prefers the view that ¥thelwulf freed a tenth part of land owned by laymen from secular obligations, who could now endow churches under their own patronage. Ryan sees it as part of a campaign of religious devotion.[84] According to the historian David Pratt, it "is best interpreted as a strategic 'tax cut', designed to encourage cooperation in defensive measures through a partial remission of royal dues".[85] Nelson states that the decimation took place in two phases, in Wessex in 854 and Kent in 855, reflecting that they remained separate kingdoms.[86]

Kelly argues that most charters were based on genuine originals, including the First Decimation of 844. She says: "Commentators have been unkind [and] the 844 version has not been given the benefit of the doubt". In her view ¥thelwulf then gave a 10% tax reduction on bookland, and ten years later he took the more generous step of "a widespread distribution of royal lands". Unlike Finberg, she believes that both decimations were carried out, although the second one may not have been completed due to opposition from ¥thelwulf's son ¥thelbald. She thinks that the grants of bookland to laymen in the Second Decimation were unconditional, not with reversion to religious houses as Stevenson had argued.[87] However, Keynes is not convinced by Kelly's arguments, and thinks that the First Decimation charters were 11th or early 12th century fabrications.[88]

Pilgrimage to Rome and later life

In the early 850s ¥thelwulf went on pilgrimage to Rome. According to Abels: "¥thelwulf was at the height of his power and prestige. It was a propitious time for the West Saxon king to claim a place of honour among the kings and emperors of christendom."[89] His eldest surviving sons ¥thelbald and ¥thelberht were then adults, while ¥thelred and Alfred were still young children. In 853 ¥thelwulf sent his younger sons to Rome, perhaps accompanying envoys in connection with his own forthcoming visit. Alfred, and possibly ¥thelred as well, were invested with the "belt of consulship". ¥thelred's part in the journey is only known from a contemporary record in the liber vitae of San Salvatore, Brescia, as later records such as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle were only interested in recording the honour paid to Alfred.[13] Abels sees the embassy as paving the way for ¥thelwulf's pilgrimage, and the presence of Alfred, his youngest and therefore most expendable son, as a gesture of goodwill to the papacy; confirmation by Pope Leo IV made Alfred his spiritual son, and thus created a spiritual link between the two "fathers".[90][o] Kirby argues that the journey may indicate that Alfred was intended for the church,[92] while Nelson on the contrary sees ¥thelwulf's purpose as affirming his younger sons' throneworthiness, thus protecting them against being tonsured by their elder brothers, which would have rendered them ineligible for kingship.[93]

¥thelwulf set out for Rome in the spring of 855, accompanied by Alfred and a large retinue.[94] The King left Wessex in the care of his oldest surviving son, ¥thelbald, and the sub-kingdom of Kent to the rule of ¥thelberht, and thereby confirmed that they were to succeed to the two kingdoms.[25] On the way the party stayed with Charles the Bald in Francia, where there were the usual banquets and exchange of gifts. ¥thelwulf stayed a year in Rome,[95] and his gifts to the Diocese of Rome included a gold crown weighing 4 pounds (1.8 kg), two gold goblets, a sword bound with gold, four silver-gilt bowls, two silk tunics and two gold-interwoven veils. He also gave gold to the clergy and leading men and silver to the people of Rome. According to the historian Joanna Story, his gifts rivalled those of Carolingian donors and the Byzantine emperor and "were clearly chosen to reflect the personal generosity and spiritual wealth of the West Saxon king; here was no Germanic 'hillbilly' from the backwoods of the Christian world but, rather, a sophisticated, wealthy and utterly contemporary monarch".[96] According to the 12th-century chronicler William of Malmesbury, he helped to pay for the restoration of the Saxon quarter, which had recently been destroyed by fire, for English pilgrims.[97]

The pilgrimage puzzles historians and Kelly comments that "it is extraordinary that an early medieval king could consider his position safe enough to abandon his kingdom in a time of extreme crisis". She suggests that ¥thelwulf may have been motivated by a personal religious impulse.[98] Ryan sees it as an attempt to placate the divine wrath displayed by Viking attacks,[84] whereas Nelson thinks he aimed to enhance his prestige in dealing with the demands of his adult sons.[99] In Kirby's view:

¥thelwulf's journey to Rome is of great interest for it did not signify abdication and a retreat from the world as their journeys to Rome had for Cµdwalla and Ine and other Anglo-Saxon kings. It was more a display of the king's international standing and a demonstration of the prestige his dynasty enjoyed in Frankish and papal circles.[100]

On his way back from Rome ¥thelwulf again stayed with King Charles the Bald, and may have joined him on a campaign against a Viking warband.[101] On 1 October 856 ¥thelwulf married Charles's daughter, Judith, aged 12 or 13, at Verberie. The marriage was considered extraordinary by contemporaries and by modern historians. Carolingian princesses rarely married and were usually sent to nunneries, and it was almost unknown for them to marry foreigners. Judith was crowned queen and anointed by Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims. Although empresses had been anointed before, this is the first definitely known anointing of a Carolingian queen. In addition West Saxon custom, described by Asser as "perverse and detestable", was that the wife of a king of Wessex could not be called queen or sit on the throne with her husband – she was just the king's wife.[102]

¥thelwulf returned to Wessex to face a revolt by ¥thelbald, who attempted to prevent his father from recovering his throne. Historians give varying explanations for both the rebellion and the marriage. In Nelson's view, ¥thelwulf's marriage to Judith added the West Saxon king to the family of kings and princely allies which Charles was creating.[103] Charles was under attack both from Vikings and from a rising among his own nobility, and ¥thelwulf had great prestige due to his victories over the Vikings; some historians such as Kirby and Pauline Stafford see the marriage as sealing an anti-Viking alliance. The marriage gave ¥thelwulf a share in Carolingian prestige, and Kirby describes the anointing of Judith as "a charismatic sanctification which enhanced her status, blessed her womb and conferred additional throne-worthiness on her male offspring." These marks of a special status implied that a son of hers would succeed to at least part of ¥thelwulf's kingdom, and explain ¥thelbald's decision to rebel.[104] The historian Michael Enright denies that an anti-Viking alliance between two such distant kingdoms could serve any useful purpose, and argues that the marriage was ¥thelwulf's response to news that his son was planning to rebel; his son by an anointed Carolingian queen would be in a strong position to succeed as king of Wessex instead of the rebellious ¥thelbald.[105] Abels suggests that ¥thelwulf sought Judith's hand because he needed her father's money and support to overcome his son's rebellion,[106] but Kirby and Smyth argue that it is extremely unlikely that Charles the Bald would have agreed to marry his daughter to a ruler who was known to be in serious political difficulty.[107] ¥thelbald may also have acted out of resentment at the loss of patrimony he suffered as a result of the decimation.[98]

¥thelbald's rebellion was supported by Ealhstan, Bishop of Sherborne, and Eanwulf, ealdorman of Somerset, even though they appear to have been two of the king's most trusted advisers.[108] According to Asser, the plot was concerted "in the western part of Selwood", and western nobles may have backed ¥thelbald because they resented the patronage ¥thelwulf gave to eastern Wessex.[109] Asser also stated that ¥thelwulf agreed to give up the western part of his kingdom in order to avoid a civil war. Some historians such as Keynes and Abels think that his rule was then confined to the south-east,[110] while others such as Kirby think it is more likely that it was Wessex itself which was divided, with ¥thelbald keeping Wessex west of Selwood, ¥thelwulf holding the centre and east, and ¥thelberht keeping the south-east.[111] ¥thelwulf insisted that Judith should sit beside him on the throne until the end of his life, and according to Asser this was "without any disagreement or dissatisfaction on the part of his nobles".[112]

King ¥thelwulf's ring
King ¥thelwulf's ring was found in a cart rut in Laverstock in Wiltshire in about August 1780 by one William Petty, who sold it to a silversmith in Salisbury. The silversmith sold it to the Earl of Radnor, and the earl's son, William, donated it to the British Museum in 1829. The ring, together with a similar ring of ¥thelwulf's daughter ¥thelswith, is one of two key examples of nielloed 9th-century metalwork. They appear to represent the emergence of a "court style" of West Saxon metalwork, characterised by an unusual Christian iconography, such as a pair of peacocks at the Fountain of Life on the ¥thelwulf ring, associated with Christian immortality. The ring is inscribed "¥thelwulf Rex", firmly associating it with the King, and the inscription forms part of the design, so it cannot have been added later. Many of its features are typical of 9th-century metalwork, such as the design of two birds, beaded and speckled borders, and a saltire with arrow-like terminals on the back. It was probably manufactured in Wessex, but was typical of the uniformity of animal ornament in England in the 9th century. In the view of Leslie Webster, an expert on medieval art: "Its fine Trewhiddle style ornament would certainly fit a mid ninth-century date."[113] In Nelson's view, "it was surely made to be a gift from this royal lord to a brawny follower: the sign of a successful ninth-century kingship".[13] The art historian David Wilson sees it as a survival of the pagan tradition of the generous king as the "ring-giver".[114]

¥thelwulf's will

King Alfred's will
A page from King Alfred's will
¥thelwulf's will has not survived, but Alfred's has and it provides some information about his father's intentions. The kingdom was to be divided between the two oldest surviving sons, with ¥thelbald getting Wessex and ¥thelberht Kent and the south-east. The survivor of ¥thelbald, ¥thelred and Alfred was to inherit their father's bookland – his personal property as opposed to the royal lands which went with the kingship – and Abels and Yorke argue that this probably means that the survivor was to inherit the throne of Wessex as well.[115] Other historians disagree. Nelson states that the provision regarding the personal property had nothing to do with the kingship,[13] and Kirby comments: "Such an arrangement would have led to fratricidal strife. With three older brothers, Alfred's chances of reaching adulthood would, one feels, have been minimal."[116] ¥thelwulf's moveable wealth, such as gold and silver, was to be divided between "children, nobles and the needs of the king's soul".[13] For the latter, he left one tenth of his hereditary land to be set aside to feed the poor, and he ordered that three hundred mancuses be sent to Rome each year, one hundred to be spent on lighting the lamps in St Peter's at Easter, one hundred for the lights of St Paul's, and one hundred for the pope.[117]

Death and succession

¥thelwulf died on 13 January 858. According to the Annals of St Neots, he was buried at Steyning in Sussex, but his body was later transferred to Winchester, probably by Alfred.[118] ¥thelwulf was succeeded by ¥thelbald in Wessex and ¥thelberht in Kent and the south-east. The prestige conferred by a Frankish marriage was so great that ¥thelbald then wedded his step-mother Judith, to Asser's retrospective horror; he described the marriage as a "great disgrace", and "against God's prohibition and Christian dignity".[13] When ¥thelbald died only two years later, ¥thelberht became King of Wessex as well as Kent, and ¥thelwulf's intention of dividing his kingdoms between his sons was thus set aside. In the view of Yorke and Abels this was because ¥thelred and Alfred were too young to rule, and ¥thelberht agreed in return that his younger brothers would inherit the whole kingdom on his death,[119] whereas Kirby and Nelson think that ¥thelberht just became the trustee for his younger brothers' share of the bookland.[120]

After ¥thelbald's death Judith sold her possessions and returned to her father, but two years later she eloped with Baldwin, Count of Flanders. In the 890s their son, also called Baldwin, married ¥thelwulf's granddaughter ¥lfthryth.[13]

Historiography

¥thelwulf's reputation among historians was poor in the twentieth century. In 1935 the historian R. H. Hodgkin attributed his pilgrimage to Rome to "the unpractical piety which had led him to desert his kingdom at a time of great danger", and described his marriage to Judith as "the folly of a man senile before his time".[121] To Stenton in the 1960s he was "a religious and unambitious man, for whom engagement in war and politics was an unwelcome consequence of rank".[122] One dissenter was Finberg, who in 1964 described him as "a king whose valour in war and princely munificence recalled the figures of the heroic age",[123] but in 1979 Enright said: "More than anything else he appears to have been an impractical religious enthusiast."[124] Early medieval writers, especially Asser, emphasise his religiosity and his preference for consensus, seen in the concessions made to avert a civil war on his return from Rome.[p] In Story's view "his legacy has been clouded by accusations of excessive piety which (to modern sensibilities at least) has seemed at odds with the demands of early medieval kingship". In 839 an unnamed Anglo-Saxon king wrote to the Holy Roman Emperor Louis the Pious asking for permission to travel through his territory on the way to Rome, and relating an English priest's dream which foretold disaster unless Christians abandoned their sins. This is now believed to have been an unrealised project of Egbert at the end of his life, but it was formerly attributed to ¥thelwulf, and seen as exhibiting what Story calls his reputation for "dramatic piety", and irresponsibility for planning to abandon his kingdom at the beginning of his reign.[126]

In the twenty-first century he is seen very differently by historians. ¥thelwulf is not listed in the index of Peter Hunter Blair's An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England, first published in 1956, but in a new introduction to the 2003 edition Keynes listed him among people "who have not always been accorded the attention they might be thought to deserve ... for it was he, more than any other, who secured the political fortune of his people in the ninth century, and who opened up channels of communication which led through Frankish realms and across the Alps to Rome".[127] According to Story: "¥thelwulf acquired and cultivated a reputation both in Francia and Rome which is unparalleled in the sources since the height of Offa's and Coenwulf's power at the turn of the ninth century".[128]

Nelson describes him as "one of the great underrated among Anglo-Saxons", and complains that she was only allowed 2,500 words for him in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, compared with 15,000 for Edward II and 35,000 for Elizabeth I.[129] She says:

¥thelwulf's reign has been relatively under-appreciated in modern scholarship. Yet he laid the foundations for Alfred's success. To the perennial problems of husbanding the kingdom's resources, containing conflicts within the royal family, and managing relations with neighbouring kingdoms, ¥thelwulf found new as well as traditional answers. He consolidated old Wessex, and extended his reach over what is now Devon and Cornwall. He ruled Kent, working with the grain of its political community. He borrowed ideological props from Mercians and Franks alike, and went to Rome, not to die there, like his predecessor Ine, ... but to return, as Charlemagne had, with enhanced prestige. ¥thelwulf coped more effectively with Scandinavian attacks than did most contemporary rulers.[13] 
Wessex, Aethelwulf of King of Wessex (I50602)
 
42153 At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. Ball, Sharon Lee (I26083)
 

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